Martin Jacques - When China Rules the World

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For well over two hundred years we have lived in a western-made world, one where the very notion of being modern is inextricably bound up with being western. The twenty-first century will be different. The rise of China, India and the Asian tigers means that, for the first time, modernity will no longer be exclusively western. The west will be confronted with the fact that its systems, institutions and values are no longer the only ones on offer. The key idea of Martin Jacques's ground-breaking new book is that we are moving into an era of contested modernity. The central player in this new world will be China. Continental in size and mentality, China is a 'civilisation-state' whose characteristics, attitudes and values long predate its existence as a nation-state. Although clearly influenced by the west, its extraordinary size and history mean that it will remain highly distinct, and as it exercises its rapidly growing power it will change much more than the world's geo-politics. The nation-state as we understand it will no longer be globally dominant, and the Westphalian state-system will be transformed; ideas of race will be redrawn. This profound and far-sighted book explains for the first time the deeper meaning of the rise of China.
***
China Digital Times
Book Review: When China Rules the World
“When you’re alone and life is making you lonely, you can always go: downtown.” So warbled the British singer, Petula Clark in the 1960s. However, today if solitude is your constant companion, I would suggest that you purchase a copy of this riveting book and read it on the bus and in airports — as I have been doing in recent days, with the dramatic words on the bright red cover of this weighty tome blaring insistently — and no doubt you will find, as I have, that your reading reverie will be constantly interrupted by a stream of anxious interlopers curious to know what the future may hold.
For like Petula Clark, the author too hails from London, though the startling message he brings decidedly differs from her melancholy intervention. For it is the author’s conclusion that sooner rather than later, China — a nation ruled by a Communist Party — will have the most sizeable and powerful economy in the world and that this will have manifold economic, cultural, psychological (and racial) consequences. Strangely enough, Jacques — one of the better respected intellectuals in the North Atlantic community — does not dwell upon how this monumental turn of events occurred. To be sure, he pays obeisance to the leadership of Comrade Deng Xiaoping, who in 1978, opened China’s economy to massive inward foreign direct investment, which set the stage for the 21st Century emergence of the planet’s most populous nation. Yet, for whatever reason, Jacques — who once was a leading figure in the British Communist Party — does not deign to detail to the gentle reader how Beijing brokered an alliance with US imperialism, that helped to destabilize their mutual foe in Moscow, which prepared the path for the gargantuan capital infusion that has transformed China and bids fair to do the same for the world as a whole.
Still, it is noteworthy that this book’s back-cover carries blurbs from the conservative economic historian, Niall Ferguson of Harvard (Henry Kissinger’s authorized biographer); the leading historian, Eric Hobsbawm; the well-known Singaporean intellectual and leader, Kishore Mahbubani (who has written a book that mirrors Jacques’ earthshaking conclusions); and a raft of Chinese thinkers who do not seem displeased nor surprised by his findings.

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[1094]Ibid., pp. 9-10, 15, 18–20, 31.

[1095]Zha Daojiong, ‘ China ’s Energy Security and Its International Relations’, China and Eurasia Forum Quarterly , 3: 3 (November 2005), p. 40.

[1096]Ibid., p. 42.

[1097]John W. Garver, China and Iran: Ancient Partners in a Post-Imperial World (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2006), p. 293.

[1098]Hassan M. Fattah, ‘Avoiding Political Talk, Saudis and Chinese Build Trade’, New York Times , 23 April 2006.

[1099]Phar Kim Beng and Vic Y. W. Li, ‘ China ’s Energy Dependence on the Middle East: Boon or Bane for Asian Security?’, China and Eurasia Forum Quarterly , 3: 3 (November 2005), p. 24.

[1100]Garver, China and Iran , pp. 2-17.

[1101]Ibid., p. 28.

[1102]Ibid., pp. 281, 283.

[1103]Ibid., pp. 237, 246.

[1104]Ibid., pp. 256, 265, 271, 275.

[1105]‘ Iran Signs $2bn Oil Deal with China ’, Financial Times , 9 December 2007.

[1106]Garver, China and Iran , p. 295.

[1107]Ibid., p. 295.

[1108]Ibid., pp. 296-7.

[1109]Lowell Dittmer, ‘Ghost of the Strategic Triangle: The Sino-Russian Partnership’, in Suisheng Zhao, ed., Chinese Foreign Policy (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 2004), p. 217.

[1110]Ibid., p. 213.

[1111]Ibid., pp. 220-21.

[1112]Ibid., p. 215; Garver, China and Iran , p. 300.

[1113]Yu Bin, ‘ China and Russia: Normalizing Their Strategic Partnership’, in David Shambaugh, ed., Power Shift: China and Asia’s New Dynamics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), pp. 238-9.

[1114]Stephen Blank, ‘ China, Kazakh Energy, and Russia: An Unlikely Ménage à Trois’, China and Eurasia Forum Quarterly , 3: 3 (November 2005), p. 105.

[1115]Ibid., pp. 107-8.

[1116]Ibid., pp. 105-8.

[1117]Lowell Dittmer, ‘Ghost of the Strategic Triangle’, pp. 220-21.

[1118]Geoff Dyer, ‘ Russia Fails to Secure Regional Backing’, Financial Times , 28 August 2008; Geoff Dyer, ‘ Russia Could Push China Closer to the West’, Financial Times , 27 August 2008; Bobo Lo, ‘ Russia, China and the Georgia Dimension’, Centre for European Reform Bulletin , 62 (October/November 2008).

[1119]Meghnad Desai, ‘India and China: An Essay in Comparative Political Economy’, seminar paper, Asia Research Centre, London School of Economics, 2003, p. 3; revised version available to download from www.imf.org.

[1120]Amartya Sen, The Argumentative Indian: Writings on Indian History, Culture and Identity (London: Allen Lane, 2005), pp. 161-90, especially p. 164.

[1121]John W. Garver, Protracted Contest: Sino-Indian Rivalry in the Twentieth Century (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2001), pp. 79–80.

[1122]Ibid., pp. 370-73; Prasenjit Duara, ‘Visions of History, Trajectories of Power: China and India since De-colonisation’, in Anthony Reid and Zheng Yangwen, eds, Negotiating Asymmetry: China’s Place in Asia (Singapore: NUS Press, 2009), p. 6. Also, Bill Emmott, Rivals: How the Power Struggle between China, India and Japan Will Shape Our Next Decade (London: Allen Lane, 2008), pp. 50–51.

[1123]Garver, Protracted Contest , p. 368.

[1124]Ibid., p. 374.

[1125]Ibid., p. 384.

[1126]Desai, ‘India and China’, pp. 2, 8, 10, 12; Martin Wolf, ‘On the Move: Asia’s Giants Take Different Routes in Pursuit of Economic Greatness’, Financial Times , 23 February 2005.

[1127]Simon Long, ‘India and China: The Tiger in Front’, survey, The Economist , 5 March 2005, p. 10; Shell, Shell Global Scenarios to 2025 , pp. 137-43; David Pilling, ‘India Hits Bottleneck on Way to Prosperity’, Financial Times , 24 September 2008.

[1128]Measured in terms of GDP exchange rates. It is over twice as large measured by GDP purchasing power parity; The Economist, The World in 2007 (London: 2006), pp. 106-7.

[1129]Gideon Rachman, ‘Welcome to the Nuclear Club, India ’, Financial Times , 22 September 2008.

[1130]Jo Johnson and Edward Luce, ‘ Delhi Nuclear Deal Signals US Shift’, Financial Times , 2 August 2007.

[1131]Garver, Protracted Contest , pp. 376-7.

[1132]Charles Grant, ‘ India ’s Role in the New World Order’, Centre for European Reform Briefing Note (September 2008).

[1133]Roger Cohen, ‘Nuclear Deal With India a Sign of New US Focus’, International Herald Tribune , 4–5 March 2006; Rajan Menon and Anatol Lieven, ‘Overselling a Nuclear Deal’, International Herald Tribune , 7 March 2006; John W. Garver, ‘China’s Influence in Central and South Asia: Is It Increasing?’, in Shambaugh, Power Shift , p. 223.

[1134]Dominique Moisi, ‘Europe Must Not Go the Way of Decadent Venice ’, Financial Times , 12 July 2005.

[1135]For example, Zaki Laïdi, ‘How Europe Can Shape the Global System’, Financial Times , 30 April 2008.

[1136]Katinka Barysch with Charles Grant and Mark Leonard, Embracing the Dragon: The EU’s Partnership with China (London: Centre for European Reform, 2005), p. 77.

[1137]Ibid., pp. 44-5.

[1138]Patrick Messerlin and Razeen Sally, ‘Why It is Dangerous for Europe to Bash China ’, Financial Times , 13 December 2007.

[1139]European Commission, ‘The Challenge to theEUof a Rising China’, in European Competitiveness Report (Luxembourg: 2004).

[1140]In the Italian general election in 2008, growing fears about globalization, amongst other things, were reflected in very big increases in the vote for the anti-globalization, anti-immigration Lega Nord in Milan, Turin, Venice, Bo logna and Florence; Erik Jones, ‘Italy’s Bitterness Could Blight Berlusconi’, Financial Times , 16 April 2008.

[1141]Charles Grant with Katinka Barysch, Can Europe and China Shape a New World Order? (London: Centre for European Reform, 2008), especially pp. 10–13; also Chapter 3.

[1142]Ibid., pp. 38–40; James Kynge, China Shakes the World: The Rise of a Hungry Nation (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 2006), pp. 82–92, 118-9, 213.

[1143]Barysch, Grant and Leonard, Embracing the Dragon , p. 67.

[1144]Ibid., pp. 60–65.

[1145]Shell, Shell Global Scenarios to 2025 , pp. 126, 144; François Heisbourg, ‘Eu rope Must Be Realistic about Life After Bush’, Financial Times , 6 February 2008; Philip Stephens, ‘A Futile European Contest for Obama’s Ear’, Financial Times , 10 November 2008.

[1146]James Mann, The China Fantasy: How Our Leaders Explain Away Chinese Repression (New York: Viking, 2007), p. 40.

[1147]Shambaugh, ‘Return to the Middle Kingdom?’, in Shambaugh, Power Shift , p. 28; Bates Gill, ‘China’s Evolving Regional Security Strategy’, in Shambaugh, Power Shift , p. 248.

[1148]Quoted by Joseph Y. S. Cheng and Zhang Wankun, ‘Patterns and Dynamics of China’s Strategic Behaviour’, in Zhao, Chinese Foreign Policy , p. 196.

[1149]For example, Liu Ji, ‘Making the Right Choices in Twenty-first Century Sino-American Relations’, in ibid., p. 248.

[1150]For example, David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams: Managing US - China Relations, 1989 - 2000 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), pp. 372-3.

[1151]David M. Lampton, ‘ China ’s Rise in Asia Need Not Be at America ’s Expense’, in Shambaugh, Power Shift , p. 314.

[1152]Zheng Yongnian, Discovering Chinese Nationalism in China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 150.

[1153]Quoted by Suisheng Zhao in A Nation-State by Construction: Dynamics of Modern Chinese Nationalism (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004), pp. 35-6.

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