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Martin Jacques - When China Rules the World

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Название:
When China Rules the World
Автор:
Martin Jacques
Жанр:
Политика / на английском языке
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неизвестен
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For well over two hundred years we have lived in a western-made world, one where the very notion of being modern is inextricably bound up with being western. The twenty-first century will be different. The rise of China, India and the Asian tigers means that, for the first time, modernity will no longer be exclusively western. The west will be confronted with the fact that its systems, institutions and values are no longer the only ones on offer. The key idea of Martin Jacques's ground-breaking new book is that we are moving into an era of contested modernity. The central player in this new world will be China. Continental in size and mentality, China is a 'civilisation-state' whose characteristics, attitudes and values long predate its existence as a nation-state. Although clearly influenced by the west, its extraordinary size and history mean that it will remain highly distinct, and as it exercises its rapidly growing power it will change much more than the world's geo-politics. The nation-state as we understand it will no longer be globally dominant, and the Westphalian state-system will be transformed; ideas of race will be redrawn. This profound and far-sighted book explains for the first time the deeper meaning of the rise of China.
***
China Digital Times
Book Review: When China Rules the World
“When you’re alone and life is making you lonely, you can always go: downtown.” So warbled the British singer, Petula Clark in the 1960s. However, today if solitude is your constant companion, I would suggest that you purchase a copy of this riveting book and read it on the bus and in airports — as I have been doing in recent days, with the dramatic words on the bright red cover of this weighty tome blaring insistently — and no doubt you will find, as I have, that your reading reverie will be constantly interrupted by a stream of anxious interlopers curious to know what the future may hold.
For like Petula Clark, the author too hails from London, though the startling message he brings decidedly differs from her melancholy intervention. For it is the author’s conclusion that sooner rather than later, China — a nation ruled by a Communist Party — will have the most sizeable and powerful economy in the world and that this will have manifold economic, cultural, psychological (and racial) consequences. Strangely enough, Jacques — one of the better respected intellectuals in the North Atlantic community — does not dwell upon how this monumental turn of events occurred. To be sure, he pays obeisance to the leadership of Comrade Deng Xiaoping, who in 1978, opened China’s economy to massive inward foreign direct investment, which set the stage for the 21st Century emergence of the planet’s most populous nation. Yet, for whatever reason, Jacques — who once was a leading figure in the British Communist Party — does not deign to detail to the gentle reader how Beijing brokered an alliance with US imperialism, that helped to destabilize their mutual foe in Moscow, which prepared the path for the gargantuan capital infusion that has transformed China and bids fair to do the same for the world as a whole.
Still, it is noteworthy that this book’s back-cover carries blurbs from the conservative economic historian, Niall Ferguson of Harvard (Henry Kissinger’s authorized biographer); the leading historian, Eric Hobsbawm; the well-known Singaporean intellectual and leader, Kishore Mahbubani (who has written a book that mirrors Jacques’ earthshaking conclusions); and a raft of Chinese thinkers who do not seem displeased nor surprised by his findings.

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[926]Ibid., p. 151; Victor D. Cha, ‘Engaging China: The View from Korea ’, in Alastair Iain Johnston and Robert S. Ross, eds, Engaging China: the Management of an Emerging Power (London: Routledge, 1999), pp. 32–56.

[927]Shambaugh, ‘Return to the Middle Kingdom?’, pp. 33- 4.

[928]South Korea sends more than 13,000 students a year to China, a figure equal to the total number of Koreans who studied in the US at the height of US- South Korean relations between 1953 and 1975; Kurlantzick, Charm Offensive , p. 117.

[929]Shambaugh, ‘ China Engages Asia ’, p. 79.

[930]Chung, ‘ China ’s Ascendancy and the Korean Peninsula ’, pp. 156, 160-61.

[931]Ibid., p. 160.

[932]Ibid., pp. 161-2.

[933]Jonathan D. Pollack, ‘The Transformation of the Asian Security Order: Assessing China’s Impact’, in Shambaugh, Power Shift , pp. 338- 9, 342.

[934]South Korea, however, is fiercely protective of its independence and identity, and took considerable offence over an interpretation by Chinese historians in 2003 that the ancient kingdom of Koguryo (37 BC-AD 668) had been part of China. Intense diplomatic activity in 2004 saw the dispute shelved; Shambaugh, ‘China Engages Asia’, p. 80.

[935]Peter Smith and Richard McGregor, ‘Good Days: Australia Prospers from China ’s Resource Needs’, Financial Times , 2 April 2008. Also ‘A Ravenous Dragon’, a special report on China ’s quest for resources, The Economist , 15 March 2008, pp. 8–9.

[936]‘Australia Shifts Course, Away from US’, posted on www.bbc.co.uk/news. Greg Barnes, ‘Australia Finds a New Role as Sino-US Matchmaker’, South China Morning Post , 26 February 2008, and ‘Rudd Hitches Australia’s Future to Rising China’, South China Morning Post , 14 August 2008.

[937]Fairbank, The Chinese World Order , p. 61.

[938]For an interesting discussion of these issues, see Wang Gungwu, ‘Early Ming Relations with Southeast Asia: A Background Essay’, in Fairbank, The Chinese World Order , pp. 60–62. Also Park, ‘ Small States and the Search for Sovereignty in Sinocentric Asia’, p. 3.

[939]Callahan, Contingent States , pp. 77, 81.

[940]It should be noted that the Chinese continue to insist that negotiations over the sovereignty of the islands must be conducted on a bilateral rather than a multilateral basis, another echo of the tributary system; Callahan, Contingent States , pp. 97- 8.

[941]Ibid., p. 62.

[942]Ibid., p. 94.

[943]Ibid., pp. 33, 66- 7, 78, 83. The Chinese claim the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands in the East China Sea on the same basis; Erica Strecker Downs and Phillip C. Sanders, ‘Legitimacy and the Limits of Nationalism: China and the Diaoyu Islands’, in Michael Brown et al., eds, The Rise of China (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000), p. 51; also Callahan, Contingent States , p. 72.

[944]Willy Lam, ‘ China Flexes Its New Muscle’, International Herald Tribune , 21 December 2007.

[945]Chen Hurng-yu and Pan Shiying, cited in Callahan, Contingent States , p. 96.

[946]Ibid., p. 63.

[947]Reinhard Drifte, Japan’s Security Relations with China since 1989: From Balancing to Bandwagoning (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), p. 53.

[948]Callahan, Contingent States , pp. 179- 80.

[949]Ibid., pp. 158- 61, 166, 174.

[950]Ibid., p. 141.

[951]Cited in ibid., pp. 158- 9; also p. 143.

[952]Michael D. Swaine, ‘ China ’s Regional Military Posture’, in Shambaugh, Power Shift , p. 277.

[953]Quoted in Amitav Acharya, ‘Containment, Engagement, or Counter-dominace? Malaysia’s Response to the Rise of China’, in Johnston and Ross, Engaging China , p. 131; also Kim, ‘The Political Economy of Mahathir’s China Policy’, p. 11.

[954]Christopher R. Hughes, Chinese Nationalism in the Global Era (London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 154- 5.

[955]Alexander Vuving, ‘Traditional and Modern Sino-Vietnamese Relations’, in Reid and Zheng, Negotiating Asymmetry , p. 9.

[956]Zhao, Chinese Foreign Policy , p. 270.

[957]Li, ‘Security Challenge of an Ascendant China ’, p. 28; Callahan, Contingent States , p. 66.

[958]Shambaugh, ‘ China Engages Asia’, p. 81; Kang, ‘Getting Asia Wrong’, p. 81.

[959]‘Abuse Claims Spark Uproar’, China Daily , 28 November 2005; ‘Malaysia Urged to Probe Women Abuse Cases’, China Daily , 30 November 2005; ‘Police Abuse Images Hurt Tourist Confidence’, editorial, China Daily , 30 November 2005.

[960]‘ Malaysia Urged to Probe Women Abuse Cases’, China Daily , 30 November 2005.

[961]‘Oriental Daily in Danger of Getting Suspended’, Strait Times , 20 January 2006.

[962]Hughes, Chinese Nationalism in the Global Era , p. 81; also Callahan, Contingent States , p. 54.

[963]Quoted in Hughes, Chinese Nationalism in the Global Era , p. 82.

[964]The ethnic Chinese account for the following proportion of the total population: Malaysia 29 %; Brunei 15 %; Cambodia 5 %; Indonesia 3.5 %; Myanmar 20 %; Philippines 2.0 %; Thailand 10 %; Vietnam 3 %. Acharya, ‘Containment, Engagement, or Counter-dominance?’, p. 134; Chua, World on Fire , p. 34.

[965]The Chinese government actively promotes its relations with the overseas Chinese; Kurlantzick, Charm Offensive , p. 77; also pp. 125-7.

[966]Wang Gungwu, China and the Chinese Overseas (Singapore: Times Academic Press, 1991), p. 302.

[967]Suisheng Zhao, A Nation-State by Construction: Dynamics of Modern Chinese Nationalism (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004), pp. 280-88.

[968]Zhu Feng, ‘Why Taiwan Really Matters to China ’, 30 November 2004, posted on www.irchina.org

[969]Chu Yun-han, ‘The Political Economy of Taiwan’s Identity Crisis: Implications for Northeast Asia’, paper given at conference on ‘Nationalism and Globalisation in Northeast Asia ’, Asia Research Centre, London School of Economics, 12 May 2007.

[970]Richard Bush, ‘Taiwan Faces China: Attraction and Repulsion’, in Shambaugh, Power Shift , p. 173; Chu Yun-han, ‘The Political Economy of Taiwan’s Identity Crisis’, p. 3.

[971]Chu Yun-han, ‘The Political Economy of Taiwan’s Identity Crisis,’ p. 9.

[972]Chu Yun-han, ‘The Political Economy of Taiwan’s Identity Crisis’, p. 7; Bush, ‘Taiwan Faces China’, pp. 179-80.

[973]Chu Yun-han, ‘The Political Economy of Taiwan’s Identity Crisis’, p. 5.

[974]2005 Taiwan Security Survey, Centre for Election Studies, National Chengchi University, cited in Chu Yun-han, ‘The Political Economy of Taiwan’s Identity Crisis’, p. 8.

[975]Ibid. pp. 12, 14.

[976]Callahan, Contingent States , p. 158.

[977]Ibid., pp. 181-2.

[978]Ibid., p. 193.

[979]Chu Yun-han, ‘The Political Economy of Taiwan’s Identity Crisis’, p. 13.

[980]Chu Yun-han, ‘The Political Economy of Taiwan’s Identity Crisis’, pp. 13–14.

[981]Ibid., p. 13; Swaine, ‘ China ’s Regional Military Posture’, pp. 275-6.

[982]‘Taiwanese Voted for Ma to Fix the Economy Above All Else’, South China Morning Post , 24 March 2008; ‘New Leader in Taiwan Must Strike a Balance’, International Herald Tribune , 24 March 2008.

[983]Callahan, Contingent States , p. 181; Lampton, ‘ China ’s Rise in Asia Need Not Be at America ’s Expense’, p. 321; Robert S. Ross, ‘The Geography of Peace: East Asia in the Twenty-first Century’, in Brown et al., The Rise of China , p. 199.

[984]Callahan, Contingent States , p. 179.