Martin Jacques - When China Rules the World

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For well over two hundred years we have lived in a western-made world, one where the very notion of being modern is inextricably bound up with being western. The twenty-first century will be different. The rise of China, India and the Asian tigers means that, for the first time, modernity will no longer be exclusively western. The west will be confronted with the fact that its systems, institutions and values are no longer the only ones on offer. The key idea of Martin Jacques's ground-breaking new book is that we are moving into an era of contested modernity. The central player in this new world will be China. Continental in size and mentality, China is a 'civilisation-state' whose characteristics, attitudes and values long predate its existence as a nation-state. Although clearly influenced by the west, its extraordinary size and history mean that it will remain highly distinct, and as it exercises its rapidly growing power it will change much more than the world's geo-politics. The nation-state as we understand it will no longer be globally dominant, and the Westphalian state-system will be transformed; ideas of race will be redrawn. This profound and far-sighted book explains for the first time the deeper meaning of the rise of China.
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China Digital Times
Book Review: When China Rules the World
“When you’re alone and life is making you lonely, you can always go: downtown.” So warbled the British singer, Petula Clark in the 1960s. However, today if solitude is your constant companion, I would suggest that you purchase a copy of this riveting book and read it on the bus and in airports — as I have been doing in recent days, with the dramatic words on the bright red cover of this weighty tome blaring insistently — and no doubt you will find, as I have, that your reading reverie will be constantly interrupted by a stream of anxious interlopers curious to know what the future may hold.
For like Petula Clark, the author too hails from London, though the startling message he brings decidedly differs from her melancholy intervention. For it is the author’s conclusion that sooner rather than later, China — a nation ruled by a Communist Party — will have the most sizeable and powerful economy in the world and that this will have manifold economic, cultural, psychological (and racial) consequences. Strangely enough, Jacques — one of the better respected intellectuals in the North Atlantic community — does not dwell upon how this monumental turn of events occurred. To be sure, he pays obeisance to the leadership of Comrade Deng Xiaoping, who in 1978, opened China’s economy to massive inward foreign direct investment, which set the stage for the 21st Century emergence of the planet’s most populous nation. Yet, for whatever reason, Jacques — who once was a leading figure in the British Communist Party — does not deign to detail to the gentle reader how Beijing brokered an alliance with US imperialism, that helped to destabilize their mutual foe in Moscow, which prepared the path for the gargantuan capital infusion that has transformed China and bids fair to do the same for the world as a whole.
Still, it is noteworthy that this book’s back-cover carries blurbs from the conservative economic historian, Niall Ferguson of Harvard (Henry Kissinger’s authorized biographer); the leading historian, Eric Hobsbawm; the well-known Singaporean intellectual and leader, Kishore Mahbubani (who has written a book that mirrors Jacques’ earthshaking conclusions); and a raft of Chinese thinkers who do not seem displeased nor surprised by his findings.

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[618]Pye, The Spirit of Chinese Politics , pp. 13–14, 17.

[619]Ibid., pp. 24-5.

[620]Pye, ‘Chinese Democracy and Constitutional Development’, pp. 210-13.

[621]Ibid., pp. 28-9, 76, 80, 87-8, 91, 94-6, 100.

[622]Interview with Huang Ping, Beijing, 10 December 2005.

[623]Zheng Yongnian, Discovering Chinese Nationalism in China , p. 22.

[624]Ibid., pp. 22-3.

[625]Pye, The Spirit of Chinese Politics , p. 236.

[626]Callahan, Contingent States , pp. 154, 158- 9.

[627]Ibid., p. 38.

[628]Cited in Zheng Yongnian, Will China Become Democratic? , p. 33. Also Suisheng Zhao, A Nation-State by Construction (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004), pp. 226-7.

[629]In the words of a leading government advisor, Fang Ning: ‘ China will have a future only if it maintains stability.’ Interview with Fang Ning, Beijing, 7 December 2005.

[630]The average ranking for other countries was 23; 2003 Roper Survey of Global Attitude, cited in Joshua Cooper Ramo, The Beijing Consensus (London: The Foreign Policy Centre, 2004), p. 23.

[631]Nolan, China at the Crossroads , pp. 73-5.

[632]Mao himself offers an interesting angle on this question. While he delivered a new period of stability, he was always tempted to plunge the country into a new period of instability, as in the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution.

[633]Martin Jacques, ‘Democracy Isn’t Working’, Guardian , 22 June 2004.

[634]Zheng Yongnian, Will China Become Democratic? , p. 36.

[635]Nolan, China at the Crossroads , p. 67.

[636]Interview with Zhu Wenhui, Beijing, 20 November 2005.

[637]Bruce Gilley, China’s Democratic Future: How It Will Happen and Where It Will Lead (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), p. 246.

[638]See, for example, Lee Kuan Yew interview, April 2004, in Ramo, The Beijing Consensus , pp. 62-3.

[639]Pye, The Spirit of Chinese Politics , p. 15.

[640]The nearest example is the United Nations.

[641]‘Shenzhen Officials to Adopt New Mindset’, South China Morning Post , 10 March 2008.

[642]Zheng Yongnian, Will China Become Democratic? , pp. 79–80.

[643]The characteristics of the major Western countries that helped to shape their democracies include, amongst other things, that they were the first to industrialize, had colonial possessions and were relatively ethnically homogeneous.

[644]Karel van Wolferen, The Enigma of Japanese Power: People and Politics in a Stateless Nation (New York: Vintage, 1990), Chapters 1–3, 5, 8, 16.

[645]Pye, The Spirit of Chinese Politics , p. ix.

[646]Bell and Chaibong, Confucianism for the Modern World , pp. 7, 356-9, 368.

[647]Zhao, A Nation-State by Construction , pp. 228-9.

[648]Callahan, Contingent States , p. 41.

[649]1 February 2001, quoted in Zheng Yongnian, Will China Become Democratic? , p. 95; also Callahan, Contingent States , pp. 31-2.

[650]Quoted in Daniel A. Bell, China’s New Confucianism: Politics and Everyday Life in a Changing Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008), p. 9.

[651]Raymond Zhou, ‘Let Sages Enrich Us, Not Polarize Us’, China Daily , 10–11 December 2005.

[652]Interview with Kang Xiaoguang, Beijing, 1 December 2005.

[653]Zheng Yongnian, Will China Become Democratic? , p. 91; and interview with Kang Xiaoguang, Beijing, 1 December 2005. Kang was the first to propose the idea of the Confucius Institute to the government. He has suggested that Confucianism should replace Marxism in education.

[654]Bell, China’s New Confucianism , pp. 9- 12.

[655]Paul A. Cohen, Discovering History in China: American Historical Writing on the Recent Chinese Past (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), p. 32

[656]Bell and Chaibong, Confucianism for the Modern World , p. 26.

[657]Ibid., p. 9.

[658]Pye, The Spirit of Chinese Politics , p. 17.

[659]Wang Gungwu, The Chineseness of China , p. 171.

[660]Chen Kuan-Hsing, ‘Civil Society and Min-jian: On Political Society and Popular Democracy’, Cultural Studies , 17: 6 (2003), pp. 876-96.

[661]Zheng Yongnian, Will China Become Democratic ? pp. 82-3; Callahan, Contingent States , p. xxxiv.

[662]For a discussion of Confucian ideas in practice, see ibid., pp. 210-14. Wang Gungwu argues there are three types of Confucian thinking; see China and the Overseas Chinese (Singapore: Times Academic Press, 1991), pp. 259-61.

[663]Bell and Chaibong, Confucianism for the Modern World , pp. 15–19.

[664]Ibid., pp. 12–13.

[665]For an interesting discussion of some of these issues, see Bell, China ’s New Confucianism , pp. 14–18.

[666]Zheng Yongnian, Will China Become Democratic? , p. 140; and interview with Yu Zengke, Beijing, 22 May 2006.

[667]Zheng Yongnian, Will China Become Democratic? , pp. 48–70; Wang Zhengxu, ‘Understanding Democratic Thinking in China ’, seminar paper, East Asia Institute, National University of Singapore, 28 April 2006.

[668]Interview with Yu Zengke, Beijing, 22 May 2006.

[669]Jude Howell, ed., Governance in China (Oxford: Roman and Littlefield, 2004), pp. 3, 8, 9.

[670]In 2006 China had 132 million internet users, the second largest number after the US.See Christopher R. Hughes and Gudrun Wacker, eds, China and the Internet: Politics of the Digital Leapforward (London: Routledge, 2003), Chapter 3; and Wang Xiaodong, ‘Chinese Nationalism under the Shadow of Globalisation’, lecture at the London School of Economics and Political Science, 7 February 2005.

[671]Interview with Yu Zengke, Beijing, 22 May 2006.

[672]Zheng Yongnian, Will China Become Democratic? , pp. 198-9, 212.

[673]www.china.org.cn/english/2005/Oct/145718.htm (accessed 15/6/08).

[674]Zheng Yongnian, Will China Become Democratic? , pp. 126-7.

[675]‘Tiananmen Recedes in Hong Kong ’, International Herald Tribune , 5 June 2008.

[676]Naomi Klein, ‘Police State 2.0’, Guardian, 3 June 2008.

[677]Edward Wong, ‘A Bid to Help Poor Rural China Catch Up’, International Herald Tribune , 13 October, 2008; ‘On Solid Ground’, South China Morning Post , 23 February, 2008.

[678]Zheng Yongnian, Will China Become Democratic? , p. 256.

[679]Howard W. French, ‘Letter from China ’, International Herald Tribune , 15 June 2006.

[680]Zheng Yongnian, Will China Become Democratic? , pp. 244-5.

[681]Ibid., pp. 245-6.

[682]Howell, Governance in China , p. 30; Zheng Yongnian, Will China Become Democratic ? p. 159.

[683]Zheng Yongnian, Will China Become Democratic? , p. 229.

[684]Ibid., pp. 256-60.

[685]Ibid., p. 269.

[686]Ibid., p. 266.

[687]Ibid., pp. 93, 265-6. The examples are legion: ‘China Oil Tycoon Placed Under Arrest’, South China Morning Post , 27 December 2006; ‘ China Fund Says Almost $1 billion Misused’, International Herald Tribune , 25-6 November 2006; and ‘Shenzhen Tycoon on Trial for Theft’, South China Morning Post , 13 November 2006.

[688]Seminar paper by Song Weiquiang, Aichi University, 21 May 2005. According to the Ministry of Public Security, the number of disturbances to public order rose to 87,000 in 2005 ( South China Morning Post , 20 January 2006). See also Song Weiquiang, ‘Study on Massive Group Incidents of Chinese Peasants’, PhD dissertation, Nankai University, 20 April 2006, pp. 4–5.

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