Martin Jacques - When China Rules the World

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For well over two hundred years we have lived in a western-made world, one where the very notion of being modern is inextricably bound up with being western. The twenty-first century will be different. The rise of China, India and the Asian tigers means that, for the first time, modernity will no longer be exclusively western. The west will be confronted with the fact that its systems, institutions and values are no longer the only ones on offer. The key idea of Martin Jacques's ground-breaking new book is that we are moving into an era of contested modernity. The central player in this new world will be China. Continental in size and mentality, China is a 'civilisation-state' whose characteristics, attitudes and values long predate its existence as a nation-state. Although clearly influenced by the west, its extraordinary size and history mean that it will remain highly distinct, and as it exercises its rapidly growing power it will change much more than the world's geo-politics. The nation-state as we understand it will no longer be globally dominant, and the Westphalian state-system will be transformed; ideas of race will be redrawn. This profound and far-sighted book explains for the first time the deeper meaning of the rise of China.
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China Digital Times
Book Review: When China Rules the World
“When you’re alone and life is making you lonely, you can always go: downtown.” So warbled the British singer, Petula Clark in the 1960s. However, today if solitude is your constant companion, I would suggest that you purchase a copy of this riveting book and read it on the bus and in airports — as I have been doing in recent days, with the dramatic words on the bright red cover of this weighty tome blaring insistently — and no doubt you will find, as I have, that your reading reverie will be constantly interrupted by a stream of anxious interlopers curious to know what the future may hold.
For like Petula Clark, the author too hails from London, though the startling message he brings decidedly differs from her melancholy intervention. For it is the author’s conclusion that sooner rather than later, China — a nation ruled by a Communist Party — will have the most sizeable and powerful economy in the world and that this will have manifold economic, cultural, psychological (and racial) consequences. Strangely enough, Jacques — one of the better respected intellectuals in the North Atlantic community — does not dwell upon how this monumental turn of events occurred. To be sure, he pays obeisance to the leadership of Comrade Deng Xiaoping, who in 1978, opened China’s economy to massive inward foreign direct investment, which set the stage for the 21st Century emergence of the planet’s most populous nation. Yet, for whatever reason, Jacques — who once was a leading figure in the British Communist Party — does not deign to detail to the gentle reader how Beijing brokered an alliance with US imperialism, that helped to destabilize their mutual foe in Moscow, which prepared the path for the gargantuan capital infusion that has transformed China and bids fair to do the same for the world as a whole.
Still, it is noteworthy that this book’s back-cover carries blurbs from the conservative economic historian, Niall Ferguson of Harvard (Henry Kissinger’s authorized biographer); the leading historian, Eric Hobsbawm; the well-known Singaporean intellectual and leader, Kishore Mahbubani (who has written a book that mirrors Jacques’ earthshaking conclusions); and a raft of Chinese thinkers who do not seem displeased nor surprised by his findings.

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[577]‘China Aids Barclays on ABN Amro’, Financial Times , 23 July 2007; ‘The Chinese Bank Plan is One to Watch’, Financial Times , 23 July 2007.

[578]‘Bear Stearns in Landmark China Deal’, Financial Times , 22 October 2007.

[579]‘Chinese Banks Seek Stake in StanChart’, Financial Times , 18 November 2007. Earlier in 2007, the Bank of China was reported as being interested in acquiring a US bank; ‘Bank of China Seeking US Acquisition Targets’, South China Morning Post , 22 January 2007.

[580]Wang Zhengyi, ‘Conceptualising Economic Security and Governance’, p. 541.

[581]Elizabeth Economy, ‘China, the United States and the World Trade Organization’, Council on Foreign Relations, Washington, DC, 3 July 2002, pp. 1–4; Shen Boming, ‘The Challenges Ahead: China’s Membership in WTO’, 2002, available to download from www.cap.lmu.de/transatlantic/download/Shen_Boming.doc, p. 7; Shenkar, The Chinese Century , pp. 167-8; Yu Yong Ding, ‘The Interactions between China and the World Economy’, pp. 4–5.

[582]‘China Tackles Tainted Food Crisis’, ‘Scandal-hit China Food Firms Shut’, ‘Chinese-made Toys Recalled in US’ and ‘Bush Tackles Scares over Imports’, all posted at www.bbc.co.uk/news; ‘US Trade Body Sets Stage for Action on Beijing “Sub- sidies”’, South China Morning Post , 18 December 2006: ‘Mattel Apologises to “the Chinese People”’, Financial Times , 21 September 2007; ‘Beijing Overhauling Food Safety Controls’, International Herald Tribune , 7 June 2007.

[583]Wang Zhengyi, ‘Conceptualising Economic Security and Governance’, p. 541.

[584]AsiaInt.com, Economist Intelligence Review , October/November 2006, pp. 1–5; and Martin Jacques, ‘The Death of Doha ’, Guardian , 13 July 2006.

[585]Kynge, China Shakes the World , pp. 72, 78–82.

[586]In its projections for 2020, the World Bank suggests that the developed world will continue to be a net beneficiary of China ’s rise because of the latter’s demands for its capital-intensive manufactured products together with services, and because of the significant terms of trade gains that will accrue from its growing demand for these products. But they will continue to lose out in labour-intensive manufactured products as China moves up the value-added chain. Countries that are close competitors of China — like India, Indonesia and the Philippines — will probably still benefit, but they will find the prices of their major exports falling; while less developed countries which are not endowed with natural resources will find China’s continued growth having a relatively neutral economic effect at best. See World Bank, China Engaged: Integration with the Global Economy (Washington, DC: 1997), pp. 29–35.

[587]Kynge, China Shakes the World , pp. 118-20.

[588]Thomas L. Friedman, ‘Democrates and China ’, International Herald Tribune , 11–12 November 2006; ‘G7 Calls for Stronger Chinese Yuan’, posted on www.bbc.co.uk/news.

[589]James Mann, The China Fantasy: How Our Leaders Explain Away Chinese Repression (New York: Viking, 2007), pp. 1–7.

[590]James Kynge, China Shakes the World: The Rise of a Hungry Nation (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 2006), p. 203; and Julia Lovell, The Great Wall: China against the World 1000 BC - AD 2000 (London: Atlantic Books, 2006), pp. 30 and 27.

[591]Lucian W. Pye, The Spirit of Chinese Politics (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992), pp. 207, 212-17.

[592]Wang Gungwu, ‘Early Ming Relations with Southeast Asia: A Background Essay’, in John King Fairbank, ed., The Chinese World Order: Traditional China’s Foreign Relations (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968), p. 61.

[593]Cited in Zheng Yongnian, Will China Become Democratic?: Elite, Class and Regime Transition (Singapore: EAI, 2004), p. 81.

[594]Huang Ping, ‘“Beijing Consensus”, or “Chinese Experiences”, or What?’, unpublished paper, 2005, p. 6.

[595]Tu Wei-ming, The Living Tree: The Changing Meaning of Being Chinese Today (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994), pp. 3–4.

[596]Daniel A. Bell and Hahm Chaibong, eds, Confucianism for the Modern World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 1.

[597]Wang Gungwu, The Chineseness of China: Selected Essays (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), pp. 2–3.

[598]Peter Nolan, China at the Crossroads (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004), p. 154.

[599]Interview with Huang Ping, Beijing, 10 December 2005.

[600]Tu Wei-ming, The Living Tree , p. 17.

[601]Howard Gardner, To Open Minds (New York: BasicBooks, 1989), p. 269; also pp. 13–14, 150, 217. Pye, The Spirit of Chinese Politics , pp. 94- 5. Given that calligraphy, the drawing and reproducing of characters, forms the basis of Chinese art, it is unsurprising that it is of a quite different content and style to Western art. Which, one might ask, is the better system? Howard Gardner, the American educationalist, argues that both have their strengths. The point that needs stressing here, though, is the fundamental difference between the two and their deep historical and cultural roots; in the light of this, we should not expect to witness any serious pattern of convergence. Gardner argues: ‘It [is] disastrous to inject — unexamined — our notions of education, progress, technology into alien cultural contexts: it [is] far more timely to understand these alternative conceptions on their own terms, to learn from them if possible, and for the most part to respect (rather than to tamper with) their assumptions and their procedures.’ Gardner, To Open Minds , p.118.

[602]Interview with Huang Ping, Beijing, 10 December 2005; Huang Ping, ‘“Bei jing Consensus”, or “Chinese Experiences”, or What?’, p. 7.

[603]Wang Gungwu, The Chineseness of China , p. 2.

[604]Diana Lary, ‘Regions and Nation: The Present Situation in China in Historical Context’, Pacific Affairs , 70: 2 (Summer 1997), p. 182.

[605]Tu Wei-ming, The Living Tree , p. 4.

[606]Also, Shi Anbin, ‘Mediating Chinese-ness: Identity Politics and Media Culture in Contemporary China’, in Anthony Reid and Zheng Yangwen, eds, Negotiating Asymmetry: China’s Place in Asia (Singapore: NUS Press, 2009), p. 13.

[607]Lucian W. Pye, ‘Chinese Democracy and Constitutional Development’, in Fumio Itoh, ed., China in the Twenty-first Century: Politics, Economy, and Society (Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 1997), p. 209.

[608]Pye, The Spirit of Chinese Politics , p. 235.

[609]William A. Callahan, Contingent States: Greater China and Transnational Relations (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004), pp. 81, 109.

[610]Pye, ‘Chinese Democracy and Constitutional Development’, pp. 208-10; and Pye, The Spirit of Chinese Politics , pp. 209- 10.

[611]David S. G. Goodman and Gerald Segal, China Rising: Nationalism and Interdependence (London: Routledge, 1997), pp. 32, 44-5.

[612]Ibid., pp. 31-2.

[613]Pye, ‘Chinese Democracy and Constitutional Development’, pp. 209- 10.

[614]Minxin Pei recounts a classic example of this concerning Hubei province and former Premier Zhu Rongji. See his ‘How One Political Insider is Using His Influence to Push Rural Reforms’, South China Morning Post , 2 January 2003.

[615]Zheng Yongian, Will China Become Democratic? , p. 329.

[616]Pye, The Spirit of Chinese Politics , p. 209.

[617]Zheng Yongnian, Discovering Chinese Nationalism in China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 30–33, 40–41.

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