Roger Moorhouse - The Devils' Alliance - Hitler's Pact with Stalin, 1939-1941

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History remembers the Soviets and the Nazis as bitter enemies and ideological rivals, the two mammoth and opposing totalitarian regimes of World War II whose conflict would be the defining and deciding clash of the war. Yet for nearly a third of the conflict’s entire timespan, Hitler and Stalin stood side by side as allies. In
, acclaimed historian Roger Moorhouse explores the causes and implications of the tenuous Nazi-Soviet pact, an unholy covenant whose creation and dissolution were crucial turning points in World War II. Indeed, this riveting chapter of World War II is the key to understanding why the conflict evolved—and ended—the way it did.
Nazism and Bolshevism made unlikely bedfellows, but the brutally efficient joint Nazi-Soviet invasion of Poland in 1939 illustrated the powerful incentives that existed for both sides to set aside their differences. Forged by vain and pompous German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop and his Russian counterpart, the inscrutable and stubborn Vyacheslav Molotov, the Nazi-Soviet pact in August of 1939 briefly unified the two powers. Together, the Germans and Soviets quickly conquered and divvied up central and eastern Europe—Poland, the Baltic States, Finland, and Bessarabia—aiding one another through exchanges of information, blueprints, and prisoners. The human cost was staggering: in Poland alone, the Soviets deported 1.5 million people in 1940, 400,000 of whom would never return. Tens of thousands were also deported from the Baltic States, including almost all of the members of the Estonian parliament. Of the 100,000 civilians deported to Siberia from Bessarabia, barely a third survived.
Nazi and Soviet leaders hoped that a similar quid-pro-quo agreement would also characterize their economic relationship. The Soviet Union would export much-needed raw materials to Germany, while the Germans would provide weapons and technological innovations to their communist counterparts. In reality, however, economic negotiations were fraught from the start, not least because the Soviets, mindful that the Germans were in dire need of raw materials to offset a British blockade, made impossible demands of their ally. Although German-Soviet trade still grew impressively through 1940, it was not enough to convince Hitler that he could rely on the partnership with Moscow, which on the whole was increasingly turbulent and unpredictable.
Fortunately for the Allies, the pact—which seemed to negate any chances of an Allied victory in Europe—was short-lived. Delving into the motivations and forces at work, Moorhouse explores how the partnership soured, ultimately resulting in the surprise June 1941 German invasion of the Soviet Union. With the final dissolution of the pact, the Soviets sided with the Western democracies, a development that changed the course of the war—and which, upon Germany’s defeat, allowed the Soviets to solidify the inroads they had made into Eastern Europe during their ill-starred alliance. Reviled by contemporaries, the Nazi-Soviet Pact would have a similarly baleful afterlife. Though it was torn up by the Nazis and denied or excused as a strategic necessity by the Soviets, its effects and political ramifications proved remarkably persistent. The boundaries of modern eastern and central Europe adhere closely to the hasty divisions made by Ribbentrop and Molotov. Even more importantly, the pact laid the groundwork for Soviet control of Eastern Europe, a power grab that would define the post-war order.
Drawing on memoirs, diaries, and official records from newly opened Soviet archives,
is the authoritative work on one of the seminal episodes of World War II. In his characteristically rich and detailed prose, Moorhouse paints a vivid picture of the pact’s origins and its enduring influence as a crucial turning point, in both the war and in modern history.

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242 difficulties forced a halt to the operation: Saul Friedländer, The Years of Extermination: Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1939–1945 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2007), 139.

243 “You can imagine what our prospects are”: Quoted in Herbert Rosenkranz, Verfolgung und Selbstbehauptung: Die Juden in Österreich , 1938–1945 (Vienna: Herold, 1978), 262.

243 “The stunning thing about the Bucharest bloodbath”: Quoted in Friedländer, op. cit., 166.

244 That territory was the Soviet Union: Browning, op. cit., 102–103.

244 those who had been arrested: Dumitru Nimigeanu, Însemnările unui ţăran deportat din Bucovina (Bucharest: Vestala, 2006), 26.

244 nobody recognized him: Testimony given in K. Pelékis, Genocide: Lithuania’s Threefold Tragedy (Germany: Venta Verlag, 1949), 47.

244 “Not only did they interrogate you”: Nimigeanu, op. cit., 31–32.

245 some of the groups believed to constitute a “pollution”: The Guzevičius order, November 28, 1940, quoted in Select Committee on Communist Aggression (Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office, 1954), 3:470–472.

245 list of so-called unreliable people: Arvydas Anušauskas, Terror and Crimes Against Humanity: The First Soviet Occupation, 1940–1941 (Vilnius: Margi raštai, 2006), 72.

246 Ina, was only five-years-old: Latvian State Archive, Fond No. 1987, No. 1-Madona, Case No. 16272, 2. With thanks to Nauris Larmanis for supplying the documentation and translation.

246 entire process from arrest to entrainment: The text of the “Serov Instructions” is quoted in Aleksandras Shtromas, Totalitarianism and the Prospects for World Order: Closing the Door on the Twentieth Century (Oxford, UK: Lexington, 2003), 292.

247 “You are a class enemy”: Testimony of Herta Kaļiņina, in Astrid Sics, ed., We Sang Through Tears: Stories of Survival in Siberia (Riga: Janis Roze, 1999), 72.

247 “We had to get ready so quickly”: Testimony quoted in K. Kukk and T. Raun, eds., Soviet Deportations in Estonia: Impact and Legacy (Tallinn: Tartu University Press, 2007), 165.

247 “The vehicle began to roll”: Tadeusz Piotrowski, ed., The Polish Deportees of World War Two: Recollections of Removal to the Soviet Union and Dispersal Throughout the World (Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2004), 30.

247 guards just laughed at her: Testimony of Lidija Vilnis , in Sics, op. cit., 91.

248 “Natural functions had to be taken care”: Sandra Kalniete, With Dance Shoes in Siberian Snows (Riga: Latvijas Okupācijas muzeja biedrība, 2006), 62.

248 “I remember a lot of soldiers”: Nicolae Enciu, “12–13 iunie. Primele deportari staliniste,” Art-Emis, http://www.art-emis.ro/istorie/1642–12–13-iunie-primele-deportari-staliniste.html

248 “Based on what we have seen so far”: Testimony quoted in Kukk and Raun, op. cit., 204.

249 “The dead were buried by the railroad”: Testimony of Herta Kaļiņina , in Sics, op. cit., 73.

249 “The entire experience left me numb”: Testimony quoted in Kukk and Raun, op. cit., 167.

249 dark blood at his feet: Testimony of Melānija Vanaga , in Sics, op. cit., 60.

249 inhospitable corners of the Soviet interior: Statistics quoted in Romuald Misiunas and Rein Taagepera, The Baltic States: Years of Dependence, 1940–1980 (London: C. Hurst, 1983), 42.

249 29,839 were deported from Bessarabia: The Commission for Study and Appreciation of the Totalitarian Communist Regime in Moldova, “Moldovenii sub teroarea bolşevică,” 2010, http://http://www.scribd.com/doc/51121384/Moldovenii-sub-teroarea-bolşevică, 40.

250 “I did not need any warnings”: Erickson, op. cit., 574.

250 “the pivot of the German-Soviet collaboration”: Quoted in Winston S. Churchill, The Second World War (London: Penguin, 1989), 452.

250 “according to the evidence in the possession”: Quoted in John Lukacs, June 1941: Hitler and Stalin (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 78–79.

251 very much “a last resort”: Felix Chuev, ed., Molotov Remembers (Chicago: I. R. Dee, 1993), 31.

251 origin of the fable: Ruth Andreas-Friedrich, Berlin Underground, 1938–1945 (New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1947), 67–68.

251 “This is no source, but a disinformer”: Sebag Montefiore, op. cit., 313.

252 “If you’re going to provoke the Germans”: Quoted in Gorodetsky, op. cit., 299.

252 previously stood to attention and saluted: Fediuninskii in Bialer, op. cit., 241.

252 since the province had been lost: Mihai Sebastian, Journal, 1935–1944 (London, 2003), 369.

252 forty-seven different sources: Details quoted in an interview with historian Arsan Martirosyan in Komsomolskaya Pravda, June 20, 2011, http://www.kp.ru/daily/25706/906806.

253 ordered Liskow shot for his disinformation: Wolfgang Leonhard, “Wer war Alfred Liskow, und was hatte er mit Dimitroff zu tun?” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, no. 278, November 29, 2000.

253 “there was no reason for the German government to be dissatisfied”: Gorodetsky, op. cit., 309.

253 could only shrug in response: See ibid., 311–313, and Sebag Montefiore, op. cit., 323–324.

CHAPTER 9

255 discuss “important business”: John Erickson, The Road to Stalingrad (London, 1993), 115–116.

256 even knew what was going on: Valentin Berezhkov, quoted in Seweryn Bialer, ed., Stalin and His Generals: Soviet Military Memoirs of World War II (London: Souvenir Press, 1970), 217–218.

256 “lay the fate and future”: Max Domarus, Hitler: Reden und Proklamationen 1932–1945 (Wiesbaden, DE: Süddeutscher Verlag, 1973), 8:1731–1732; English text from New York Times, June 23, 1941.

256 “I feel totally free”: Fred Taylor, ed., The Goebbels Diaries, 1939–1941 (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1982), 424–425.

257 a “smile of satisfaction”: John Colville, The Fringes of Power: Downing Street Diaries, 1939–1955 (London, 1985), 481.

257 two discussed what was to follow: Anthony Eden, The Eden Memoirs: The Reckoning (London, 1965), 270.

257 “changed conviction into certainty”: Winston S. Churchill, The Second World War , abr. ed. (London: Cassell, 1959), 455.

257 Lermontov’s famous poem about the Battle of Borodino: Anatoly Liberman, ed., Mikhail Lermontov: Major Poetical Works (London: Croom Helm, 1983), 101.

257 looming anniversary of the poet’s death: Alexander Nekrich, 1941 22 iiunia (Moskva : Pamiatniki istoricheskoĭ mysli, 1995), 204.

257 “Permission not granted”: Constantine Pleshakov, Stalin’s Folly (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2005), 6.

258 “Has anyone called?”: Admiral N. G. Kuznetsov, quoted in Bialer, op. cit., 197.

258 “terrorism, sabotage, espionage, Trotskyism”: Rodric Braithwaite, Moscow 1941 (London: Profile Books, 2006), 79.

258 confounding his expectations: Ivo Banac, ed., The Diary of Georgi Dimitrov, 1933–1949 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003), 166.

259 “Pobeda budet za nami”: Quoted in Catherine Merridale, Ivan’s War: The Red Army, 1939–1945 (London: Faber, 2005), 77; Geoffrey Roberts, Molotov: Stalin’s Cold Warrior (Washington, DC: Potomac, 2012), 51. Text is also available at http://www.emersonkent.com/speeches/our_cause_is_just.htm.

259 “a bit flustered”: Quoted in Braithwaite, op. cit., 75.

259 “hold firm” and “destroy” the enemy: Quoted in David Glantz, Barbarossa: Hitler’s Invasion of Russia, 1941 (Stroud, UK: Tempus, 2001), 242–243.

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