Roger Moorhouse - The Devils' Alliance - Hitler's Pact with Stalin, 1939-1941

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The Devils' Alliance: Hitler's Pact with Stalin, 1939-1941: краткое содержание, описание и аннотация

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History remembers the Soviets and the Nazis as bitter enemies and ideological rivals, the two mammoth and opposing totalitarian regimes of World War II whose conflict would be the defining and deciding clash of the war. Yet for nearly a third of the conflict’s entire timespan, Hitler and Stalin stood side by side as allies. In
, acclaimed historian Roger Moorhouse explores the causes and implications of the tenuous Nazi-Soviet pact, an unholy covenant whose creation and dissolution were crucial turning points in World War II. Indeed, this riveting chapter of World War II is the key to understanding why the conflict evolved—and ended—the way it did.
Nazism and Bolshevism made unlikely bedfellows, but the brutally efficient joint Nazi-Soviet invasion of Poland in 1939 illustrated the powerful incentives that existed for both sides to set aside their differences. Forged by vain and pompous German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop and his Russian counterpart, the inscrutable and stubborn Vyacheslav Molotov, the Nazi-Soviet pact in August of 1939 briefly unified the two powers. Together, the Germans and Soviets quickly conquered and divvied up central and eastern Europe—Poland, the Baltic States, Finland, and Bessarabia—aiding one another through exchanges of information, blueprints, and prisoners. The human cost was staggering: in Poland alone, the Soviets deported 1.5 million people in 1940, 400,000 of whom would never return. Tens of thousands were also deported from the Baltic States, including almost all of the members of the Estonian parliament. Of the 100,000 civilians deported to Siberia from Bessarabia, barely a third survived.
Nazi and Soviet leaders hoped that a similar quid-pro-quo agreement would also characterize their economic relationship. The Soviet Union would export much-needed raw materials to Germany, while the Germans would provide weapons and technological innovations to their communist counterparts. In reality, however, economic negotiations were fraught from the start, not least because the Soviets, mindful that the Germans were in dire need of raw materials to offset a British blockade, made impossible demands of their ally. Although German-Soviet trade still grew impressively through 1940, it was not enough to convince Hitler that he could rely on the partnership with Moscow, which on the whole was increasingly turbulent and unpredictable.
Fortunately for the Allies, the pact—which seemed to negate any chances of an Allied victory in Europe—was short-lived. Delving into the motivations and forces at work, Moorhouse explores how the partnership soured, ultimately resulting in the surprise June 1941 German invasion of the Soviet Union. With the final dissolution of the pact, the Soviets sided with the Western democracies, a development that changed the course of the war—and which, upon Germany’s defeat, allowed the Soviets to solidify the inroads they had made into Eastern Europe during their ill-starred alliance. Reviled by contemporaries, the Nazi-Soviet Pact would have a similarly baleful afterlife. Though it was torn up by the Nazis and denied or excused as a strategic necessity by the Soviets, its effects and political ramifications proved remarkably persistent. The boundaries of modern eastern and central Europe adhere closely to the hasty divisions made by Ribbentrop and Molotov. Even more importantly, the pact laid the groundwork for Soviet control of Eastern Europe, a power grab that would define the post-war order.
Drawing on memoirs, diaries, and official records from newly opened Soviet archives,
is the authoritative work on one of the seminal episodes of World War II. In his characteristically rich and detailed prose, Moorhouse paints a vivid picture of the pact’s origins and its enduring influence as a crucial turning point, in both the war and in modern history.

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259 soldier died every two seconds that day: Pleshakov, op. cit., 130.

260 two tents, a few tables, and a telephone: Erickson, op. cit., 129.

260 “The only thing that was left”: Quoted in Merridale, op. cit., 76.

260 destroyed nearly 1,500 Soviet aircraft: Christer Bergström, Barbarossa: The Air Battle, July–December 1941 (London: Ian Allan Publishing, 2007), 20.

260 aircraft were parked in neat rows: Nicolaus von Below, At Hitler’s Side: The Memoirs of Hitler’s Luftwaffe Adjutant, 1937–1945 (London: Greenhill Books, 2004), 107.

260 sent him into an impotent rage: Simon Sebag Montefiore, Stalin: The Court of the Red Tsar (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2003), 326.

260 250 miles from their starting positions: Glantz, op. cit., 36.

261 twenty-three times without destroying it: Steven J. Zaloga, T-34/76 Medium Tank, 1941–1945 (Oxford, UK: Osprey, 1994), 12.

261 “The KV-1 and KV-2 were really something!”: Account from the 1st Panzer Division, quoted in Paul Carell, Hitler Moves East: 1941–1943 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1964), 23.

261 “tank terror” among Wehrmacht troops: Zaloga, op. cit., 12.

261 exploit their temporary advantage: Stephen Zaloga and James Grandsen, Soviet Tanks and Combat Vehicles of World War Two (London, 1984), 127.

261 strongpoints that briefly offered resistance: R. Tarleton, “What Really Happened to the Stalin Line?” (Part II), Journal of Slavic Military Studies 6, no. 1 (March 1993): 51.

261 accompanying bunkers and antitank earthworks: J. E. Kaufmann and Robert M. Jurga, Fortress Europe: European Fortifications of World War Two (London: Greenhill Books, 1999), 362.

262 “The fortifications at Brest were out-of-date”: Heinz Guderian, Panzer Leader (London: Michael Joseph, 1952), 146–147.

262 a full month after the beginning of Barbarossa: Christian Ganzer and Alena Paškovič, “‘Heldentum, Tragik, Tapferkeit’: Das Museum der Verteidigung der Brester Festung,” Osteuropa 60, no. 12 (2010): 81–96.

262 shared a platform in Brest in 1939: Glantz, op. cit., 80.

263 indeed running on Soviet fuel: Total German oil stocks in the 1939–1941 period amounted to around 8 million tons, of which the USSR had supplied approximately 1 million.

263 “German soldiers fed by Ukrainian grain”: Edward E. Ericson III, Feeding the German Eagle: Soviet Economic Aid to Nazi Germany, 1933–1941 (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1999), 179.

263 “In the first days of the war”: Alexander Yakovlev in Bialer, op. cit., 170.

264 bow first, in the coal harbor: Tobias R. Philbin III, The Lure of Neptune: German-Soviet Naval Collaboration and Ambitions, 1919–1941 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1994), 128.

264 “you only have to kick in the door”: Quoted in Geoffrey Roberts, Stalin’s Wars: From World War to Cold War, 1939–1953 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 85.

264 inimical toward the idea of national independence: Romuald Misiunas and Rein Taagepera, The Baltic States: Years of Dependence, 1940–1990 (London: C. Hurst, 1983), 48.

264 “The German troops were at first met”: Boris Takk in Ene Kõresaar, ed., Soldiers of Memory: World War II and Its Aftermath in Estonian Post-Soviet Life Stories (New York: Rodopi, 2011), 188.

264 turned their guns on their former masters: Valdis Lumans, Latvia in World War II (New York: Fordham University Press, 2006), 155.

264 “no one was saying anything”: On L’vov, see Merridale, op. cit., 83; on Kovel, see Alexander Werth, Russia at War, 1941–1945 (London: Pan, 1964), 149.

265 the terror, finally being aired: Merridale, op. cit., 79–81.

265 “At last we can breathe freely”: Quoted in Braithwaite, op. cit., 77.

265 “I was astonished to detect no hatred”: Hans von Luck, Panzer Commander: The Memoirs of Colonel Hans von Luck (New York: Praeger, 1989), 70.

265 shot by their own troops: Braithwaite, op. cit., 85.

265 “There was no-one to help”: Merridale, op. cit., 82.

266 fled east in a horse-drawn cart: William Spahr, Stalin’s Lieutenants: A Study of Command Under Duress (Novato, CA: Presidio Press, 1997), 265.

266 desperately protesting his innocence: Colonel I. T. Starinov, quoted in Bialer, op. cit., 237.

267 restore the army’s martial spirit: Georgi Zhukov, Reminiscences and Reflections (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1985), 1:309; Sebag Montefiore, op. cit., 330.

267 “What is the General Staff for?: Geoffrey Roberts, Stalin’s General: The Life of Georgy Zhukov (London: Icon, 2012), 106–107.

267 cursed all the way to his dacha: Mikoyan quoted in Sebag Montefiore, op. cit., 330.

267 Soviet Union was effectively “leaderless”: See, for example, Jonathan Lewis and Phillip Whitehead, Stalin: A Time for Judgement (New York: Pantheon Books, 1990), or Alan Bullock, Hitler and Stalin: Parallel Lives (London: HarperCollins, 1991).

267 Stalin barely stopped: Zhores A. Medvedev and Roy A. Medvedev, The Unknown Stalin (London: I. B. Tauris, 2006), 232.

268 “Why have you come?”: See, for example, Sebag Montefiore, op. cit., 332.

269 “He wound up the whole business”: Sergo Beria, Beria, My Father: Inside Stalin’s Kremlin (London: Duckworth, 2001), 51.

269 gained a “definite advantage”: An English translation of Stalin’s July 3, 1941, speech is at http://www.ibiblio.org/pha/policy/1941/410703a.html.

269 “show Moscow that something was being done”: Lieutenant General Ivan Boldin, Pavlov’s deputy commander, quoted in Werth, op. cit., 157–158.

269 “panic mongering,” “dereliction of duty,” and “cowardice”: Erickson, op. cit., 176.

269 “We are here in the dock”: Quoted in Robert Gellately, Lenin, Stalin and Hitler: The Age of Social Catastrophe (London: Jonathan Cape, 2007), 478.

269 the person whom Stalin saw most often: Michael Parrish, The Lesser Terror: Soviet State Security, 1939–1953 (London: Praeger, 1996), 77.

270 pour encourager les autres: Ibid., 81.

270 “compile lists of those”: Karel Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair: Life and Death in Ukraine Under Nazi Rule (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2004), 14.

270 or anti-Soviet activity be executed: Quoted in Bogdan Musial, Konterrevolutionäre Elemente sind zu erschießen (Berlin, 2000), 101.

270 the chaos of the blitzkrieg: Grzegorz Hruciuk, “Victims, 1939–1941: The Soviet Repressions in Eastern Poland,” in Shared History, Divided Memory: Jews and Others in Soviet-Occupied Poland, 1939–1941 , edited by Elazar Barkan, Elizabeth A. Cole, and Kai Struve. Leipziger Beiträge zur Jüdischen Geschichte und Kultur (Leipzig, DE: Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 2007), 193–194.

271 shot and dumped in the prison yard: Report of the Estonian Historical Commission, Phase I, “The Soviet Occupation of Estonia in 1940–1941,” Estonian Institute of Historical Memory, http://www.mnemosyne.ee/hc.ee/pdf/conclusions_en_1940–1941.pdf, 14.

271 half of them could not be identified: The Rainiai Tragedy: A Forgotten Soviet War Crime (Vilnius, 2007), 12, at http://www.e-library.lt/resursai/Mokslai/LRS%20mokslininkai/V.Landsbergis/Rainiai/Rainiai_EN_Book.pdf.

271 shot in the back of the head: Romanian National Archive, f. 680, inv. 1, d. 4232, 3, f. 545–546, cited in Iulian Chifu, Basarabia sub ocupatie sovietica si tentative contemporane de revenire sub tutela Moscovei (Bucharest: Politieia-SNSPa, 2004), 86.

271 around half would not survive: Musial, op. cit., 97, 138.

271 bayonetted or battered to death: For details, see ibid., 102 passim.

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