Roger Moorhouse - The Devils' Alliance - Hitler's Pact with Stalin, 1939-1941

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History remembers the Soviets and the Nazis as bitter enemies and ideological rivals, the two mammoth and opposing totalitarian regimes of World War II whose conflict would be the defining and deciding clash of the war. Yet for nearly a third of the conflict’s entire timespan, Hitler and Stalin stood side by side as allies. In
, acclaimed historian Roger Moorhouse explores the causes and implications of the tenuous Nazi-Soviet pact, an unholy covenant whose creation and dissolution were crucial turning points in World War II. Indeed, this riveting chapter of World War II is the key to understanding why the conflict evolved—and ended—the way it did.
Nazism and Bolshevism made unlikely bedfellows, but the brutally efficient joint Nazi-Soviet invasion of Poland in 1939 illustrated the powerful incentives that existed for both sides to set aside their differences. Forged by vain and pompous German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop and his Russian counterpart, the inscrutable and stubborn Vyacheslav Molotov, the Nazi-Soviet pact in August of 1939 briefly unified the two powers. Together, the Germans and Soviets quickly conquered and divvied up central and eastern Europe—Poland, the Baltic States, Finland, and Bessarabia—aiding one another through exchanges of information, blueprints, and prisoners. The human cost was staggering: in Poland alone, the Soviets deported 1.5 million people in 1940, 400,000 of whom would never return. Tens of thousands were also deported from the Baltic States, including almost all of the members of the Estonian parliament. Of the 100,000 civilians deported to Siberia from Bessarabia, barely a third survived.
Nazi and Soviet leaders hoped that a similar quid-pro-quo agreement would also characterize their economic relationship. The Soviet Union would export much-needed raw materials to Germany, while the Germans would provide weapons and technological innovations to their communist counterparts. In reality, however, economic negotiations were fraught from the start, not least because the Soviets, mindful that the Germans were in dire need of raw materials to offset a British blockade, made impossible demands of their ally. Although German-Soviet trade still grew impressively through 1940, it was not enough to convince Hitler that he could rely on the partnership with Moscow, which on the whole was increasingly turbulent and unpredictable.
Fortunately for the Allies, the pact—which seemed to negate any chances of an Allied victory in Europe—was short-lived. Delving into the motivations and forces at work, Moorhouse explores how the partnership soured, ultimately resulting in the surprise June 1941 German invasion of the Soviet Union. With the final dissolution of the pact, the Soviets sided with the Western democracies, a development that changed the course of the war—and which, upon Germany’s defeat, allowed the Soviets to solidify the inroads they had made into Eastern Europe during their ill-starred alliance. Reviled by contemporaries, the Nazi-Soviet Pact would have a similarly baleful afterlife. Though it was torn up by the Nazis and denied or excused as a strategic necessity by the Soviets, its effects and political ramifications proved remarkably persistent. The boundaries of modern eastern and central Europe adhere closely to the hasty divisions made by Ribbentrop and Molotov. Even more importantly, the pact laid the groundwork for Soviet control of Eastern Europe, a power grab that would define the post-war order.
Drawing on memoirs, diaries, and official records from newly opened Soviet archives,
is the authoritative work on one of the seminal episodes of World War II. In his characteristically rich and detailed prose, Moorhouse paints a vivid picture of the pact’s origins and its enduring influence as a crucial turning point, in both the war and in modern history.

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293 “bring out as much Russian dirty linen”: Quoted in Ann Tusa and John Tusa, The Nuremberg Trial (London: Macmillan, 1983), 194.

293 “a forged document”: Exchange quoted in James Owen, Nuremberg: Evil on Trial (London: Headline Review, 2006), 250–251.

293 charge of cynicism to that of gullibility: Tusa and Tusa, op. cit., 297, 179–180.

294 any of the defendants in the dock: Ibid., 410–412.

294 into the glare of public scrutiny: The collection is available online at http://www.ibiblio.org/pha/nsr/nsr-preface.html.

294 “in league with the Hitlerites”: Sovinformburo, “Falsifiers of History” (Moscow, 1948), 6, 27, 44.

294 profit from the ensuing conflagration: Ibid., 41.

295 “Thus the foundation was laid”: Ibid., 43.

295 “one of the most audacious enterprises”: John Erickson, “How the Soviets Fought the War,” Problems of Communism (November 1963): 53.

295 brought the USSR numerous favorable consequences: Matthew P. Gallagher, The Soviet History of World War II: Myths, Memories, and Realities (New York: Praeger, 1963), 169.

295 “We weren’t fooling ourselves”: Nikita Khrushchev, Khrushchev Remembers (London: André Deutsch, 1971), 112.

296 “Such a naïve Stalin?”: Felix Chuev and Albert Resis, ed., Molotov Remembers (Chicago: I. R. Dee, 1993), 23.

297 “Of course, there is no secret here”: Ibid., 13.

297 in memory of Stalin’s victims: Ann Imse, “Baltic Residents Form Human Chain in Defiance of Soviet Rule,” Associated Press, August 23, 1989.

298 “nationalist, extremist groups” and their “anti-Soviet agendas”: David Remnick, “Kremlin Condemns Baltic Nationalists; Soviets Warn Separatism Risks ‘Disaster,’” Washington Post , August 27, 1989.

298 existence of the secret protocol: On this, see Keiji Sato, “Die Molotow-Ribbentrop-Kommission 1989 und die Souvernäitätsansprüche post-sowjetischer sezessionistischer Territorien,” in Der Hitler-Stalin-Pakt 1939 in den Errinerungskulturen der Europäer , edited by Anna Kaminsky, Dietmar Müller, and Stefan Troebst (Göttingen, DE: Picus, 2011), 199–215.

298 “could not be the slightest doubt”: Text of the commission’s report is reproduced in Gerhart Hass, 23. August 1939. Der Hitler-Stalin-Pakt (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1990), 300–301.

299 a resolution in support of the findings: Jerzy Borejsza, Klaus Ziemer, and Magdalena Hułas, Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes in Europe (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2006), 521.

299 hollow-sounding expression of its “profound regret”: “Chronology 1990; The Soviet Union and Eastern Europe,” Foreign Affairs , 1990, 212.

299 injustices of five decades earlier: See, for instance, Katja Wezel, “Lettland under der 23. August 1939: Vom ‘weißen Fleck’ der sowjetischen Geschichtsschreibung zum transnationalen Gedenktag?” in Kaminsky, Müller, and Troebst, op. cit., 309–325.

299 “We owe our parents and grandparents”: Siiri Oviir, quoted at http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?type=CRE&reference=20090402&secondRef=ITEM-010&language=EN&ring=P6-RC-2009–0165#4–176(accessed March 2014).

299 “acquitting fascism, slandering socialism”: Written submission of Athanasios Palfilis, recorded at http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?type=CRE&reference=20090402&secondRef=ITEM-010&language=EN&ring=P6-RC-2009–0165#4–176(accessed February 2014).

299 “an unpleasant effort by many Baltic”: Jonathan Steele, “History Is Too Important to Be Left to Politicians,” Guardian/CiF, August 19, 2009.

300 “undermine Russia’s authority”: Report from Rossiyskaya Gazeta, reproduced at http://www.telegraph.co.uk/sponsored/rbth/6106486/The-Molotov-Ribbentrop-Pact-between-Nazi-Germany-and-the-Soviet-Union-70-years-on.html.

300 “ensure the Russian view prevails”: Sergei Markov, quoted in Andrew Osborn, “Medvedev Creates History Commission,” Wall Street Journal, May 21, 2009, http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB124277297306236553?mg=reno64-wsj&url=http%3A%2F%2Fonline.wsj.com%2Farticle%2FSB124277297306236553.html.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Hencke, Andor. Die deutsch-sowjetischen Beziehungen zwischen 1932 und 1941 , unpublished protocol held at the Institut für Zeitgeschichte, Munich, MA 1300/2.

Kriegstagebuch des Generalkommandos XIX AK über den Feldzug in Polen , September 1939, United States National Archives and Record Administration, Microfilm Series T-314, roll #611, frames 665–693.

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Andreas-Friedrich, Ruth. Berlin Underground, 1938–1945 . New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1947.

Banac, Ivo, ed. The Diary of Georgi Dimitrov, 1933–1949 . New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003.

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Herwarth, Johnnie von. Against Two Evils . London: Collins, 1981.

Hilger, Gustav. Wir und den Kreml . Berlin: Metzner, 1956.

Hilger, Gustav, and Alfred G. Meyer. The Incompatible Allies: A Memoir-History of German-Soviet Relations, 1918–1941 . New York: Macmillan, 1953.

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Jacobsen, Hans-Adolf, ed. The Halder War Diary, 1939–1945 . London: Greenhill, 1988.

Khrushchev, Nikita. Khrushchev Remembers . London: André Deutsch, 1971.

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