Roger Moorhouse - The Devils' Alliance - Hitler's Pact with Stalin, 1939-1941

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History remembers the Soviets and the Nazis as bitter enemies and ideological rivals, the two mammoth and opposing totalitarian regimes of World War II whose conflict would be the defining and deciding clash of the war. Yet for nearly a third of the conflict’s entire timespan, Hitler and Stalin stood side by side as allies. In
, acclaimed historian Roger Moorhouse explores the causes and implications of the tenuous Nazi-Soviet pact, an unholy covenant whose creation and dissolution were crucial turning points in World War II. Indeed, this riveting chapter of World War II is the key to understanding why the conflict evolved—and ended—the way it did.
Nazism and Bolshevism made unlikely bedfellows, but the brutally efficient joint Nazi-Soviet invasion of Poland in 1939 illustrated the powerful incentives that existed for both sides to set aside their differences. Forged by vain and pompous German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop and his Russian counterpart, the inscrutable and stubborn Vyacheslav Molotov, the Nazi-Soviet pact in August of 1939 briefly unified the two powers. Together, the Germans and Soviets quickly conquered and divvied up central and eastern Europe—Poland, the Baltic States, Finland, and Bessarabia—aiding one another through exchanges of information, blueprints, and prisoners. The human cost was staggering: in Poland alone, the Soviets deported 1.5 million people in 1940, 400,000 of whom would never return. Tens of thousands were also deported from the Baltic States, including almost all of the members of the Estonian parliament. Of the 100,000 civilians deported to Siberia from Bessarabia, barely a third survived.
Nazi and Soviet leaders hoped that a similar quid-pro-quo agreement would also characterize their economic relationship. The Soviet Union would export much-needed raw materials to Germany, while the Germans would provide weapons and technological innovations to their communist counterparts. In reality, however, economic negotiations were fraught from the start, not least because the Soviets, mindful that the Germans were in dire need of raw materials to offset a British blockade, made impossible demands of their ally. Although German-Soviet trade still grew impressively through 1940, it was not enough to convince Hitler that he could rely on the partnership with Moscow, which on the whole was increasingly turbulent and unpredictable.
Fortunately for the Allies, the pact—which seemed to negate any chances of an Allied victory in Europe—was short-lived. Delving into the motivations and forces at work, Moorhouse explores how the partnership soured, ultimately resulting in the surprise June 1941 German invasion of the Soviet Union. With the final dissolution of the pact, the Soviets sided with the Western democracies, a development that changed the course of the war—and which, upon Germany’s defeat, allowed the Soviets to solidify the inroads they had made into Eastern Europe during their ill-starred alliance. Reviled by contemporaries, the Nazi-Soviet Pact would have a similarly baleful afterlife. Though it was torn up by the Nazis and denied or excused as a strategic necessity by the Soviets, its effects and political ramifications proved remarkably persistent. The boundaries of modern eastern and central Europe adhere closely to the hasty divisions made by Ribbentrop and Molotov. Even more importantly, the pact laid the groundwork for Soviet control of Eastern Europe, a power grab that would define the post-war order.
Drawing on memoirs, diaries, and official records from newly opened Soviet archives,
is the authoritative work on one of the seminal episodes of World War II. In his characteristically rich and detailed prose, Moorhouse paints a vivid picture of the pact’s origins and its enduring influence as a crucial turning point, in both the war and in modern history.

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271 “Blood flowed in rivers”: Ibid., 115.

271 12,000 individuals were unaccounted for: Lumans, op. cit., 138.

271 the figure of 1,000 murdered: Rainiai Tragedy, op. cit., 9.

271 a figure of 2,000 has been estimated: Estonian Historical Commission Report, op. cit., 14.

271 a figure around three times that: Hryciuk, op. cit., 183. The higher figure of 20,000 to 30,000 is given by Musial, op. cit., 138.

272 across all of the Soviet borderlands: Jan T. Gross, Revolution from Abroad (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), 228.

272 “On the concrete forecourt of the petrol station”: Ernst Klee, Volker Reiss, and Willi Dressen, eds., “Schöne Zeiten” Judenmord aus der Sicht der Täter und Gaffer (Frankfurt am Main: S. Fischer, 1988), 35–36.

273 played the Lithuanian national anthem: Ibid., 39.

273 opening weeks of the German-Soviet war: Timothy Snyder, Bloodlands (London: Bodley Head, 2010), 192.

273 thirty towns saw pogroms against the local Jews: Musial, op. cit., 172.

273 forced to pull down the statue of Stalin: Ibid., 177, 179.

273 “I found myself in the middle”: Quoted in ibid., 188.

273 attitude aptly described as “anticipatory obedience”: Wendy Lower, “‘Anticipatory Obedience’ and the Nazi Implementation of the Holocaust in the Ukraine: A Case Study of Central and Peripheral Forces in the Generalbezirk Zhytomyr, 1941–1944,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies 16, no. 1 (2002).

274 “The attempts at self-cleansing”: Stahlecker quoted in Richard Rhodes, Masters of Death (New York: A. A. Knopf, 2002), 45.

274 12 percent of those deported by the Soviets: Geoff Swain, Between Stalin and Hitler: Class War and Race War on the Dvina (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004), 40.

274 relatives killed or deported by the Soviets: Zvi Gitelman, ed., Bitter Legacy: Confronting the Holocaust in the USSR (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 266.

274 lost his parents to an NKVD murder squad: Klee, Riess, and Dressen, op. cit., 39.

274 “The day was hot”: Andrew Ezergailis, The Holocaust in Latvia, 1941–1945 (Riga: Historical Institute of Latvia, 1996), 104.

275 their supposed collaboration with the Soviet regime: Snyder, op. cit., 194.

275 “The war against Russia was the first”: Henry W. Flannery, Assignment to Berlin (London: Joseph, 1942), 259.

276 “They were dancing in the Toll House”: Victor Klemperer, I Shall Bear Witness, 1933–1941 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1998), 373.

276 “And yet we are thunderstruck”: Marie Vassiltchikov, The Berlin Diaries of Marie “Missie” Vassiltchikov: 1940–45 (London, 1985), 55.

276 “Russia has never been suited to lightning wars”: Ruth Andreas-Friedrich, Berlin Underground, 1938–1945 (New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1947), 68.

276 “It is terrible that we’re at war”: Quoted in “Himmler Letters: ‘I am travelling to Auschwitz. Kisses. Your Heini,’” Daily Telegraph , January 26, 2014, at http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/germany/10597344/Himmler-letters-I-am-travelling-to-Auschwitz.-Kisses.-Your-Heini.html.

276 to defeat Schalke 4–3: Author interview with Leopold Gernhardt, April 2008. See also Roger Moorhouse, “The Nazi Final,” BBC History Magazine , June 2008.

277 “Our propaganda can pick up”: Andreas-Friedrich, op. cit., 68.

277 a tenfold increase from the previous month: Quoted in Heinz Kühnrich, Die KPD im Kampf gegen die faschistische Diktatur 1933–1945 (Berlin: Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1987), 180.

277 “Whoever had faith in Hitler”: Quoted in Braithwaite, op. cit., 75.

278 “The Germans are civilized people”: Molotov speech quoted in Werth, op. cit., 163; vox populi quoted in Braithwaite, op. cit., 80.

278 using it to signal to German aircraft: Werth, op. cit., 177–178.

278 “a great pull-yourselves-together speech”: Ibid., 168.

278 “As long as the Germans were engaged”: Alex Danchev and Daniel Todman, eds., War Diaries, 1939–1945: Field Marshal Lord Alanbrooke (London: Phoenix Press, 2001), 166.

279 “It will have a bad effect on America”: Nigel Nicolson, ed., Harold Nicolson: Diaries and Letters, 1930–1939 (London: Collins, 1966), 173.

279 “that we would stand inactively”: Churchill, op. cit., 462; Eden, op. cit., 270.

279 “3 to 4 months, possibly slightly longer”: Nicolson, op. cit., 173; Danchev and Todman, op. cit., 166.

279 within as little as six weeks: Gabriel Gorodetsky, Stafford Cripps’ Mission to Moscow, 1940–42 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 168.

280 “If a crocodile came up”: Joseph P. Lash, Roosevelt and Churchill, 1939–1941: The Partnership That Saved the West (London: Barrie & Jenkins, 1975), 343.

281 “We have but one aim”: Quoted in Graham Stewart, His Finest Hours: The War Speeches of Winston Churchill (London: Quercus, 2007), 102–105.

282 “a masterpiece” according to Harold Nicolson: Nicolson, op. cit., 173.

282 “If Hitler invaded Hell”: Colville, op. cit., 480.

282 railed against his supposed hypocrisy: Richard Toye, The Roar of the Lion (London: Oxford University Press, 2013), 107–108.

282 Churchill’s speech had been “agreeably surprising”: Quoted in ibid., 108.

282 “side by side with the Soviet Union”: John Mahon, Harry Pollitt: A Biography (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1976), 269.

283 expelled en masse on charges of espionage: Lynne Olson, Those Angry Days: Roosevelt, Lindbergh, and America’s Fight over World War Two, 1939–1941 (New York: Random House, 2013), 334.

283 “If we see that Germany is winning”: Quoted in ibid., 346.

284 clearly demonstrate the difference in their ranks: Ivan Maisky, Memoirs of a Soviet Ambassador: The War, 1939–1943 (London: Hutchinson, 1967), 172.

284 advanced six hundred kilometers along the road: Glantz, op. cit., 40, 45, 53.

285 “light-heartedness” of his summer suit: Maisky, op. cit., 172.

285 expect Stalin to cancel the Nazi-Soviet Pact: Anna Cienciala, “General Sikorski and the Conclusion of the Polish-Soviet Agreement of July 30, 1941: A Reassessment,” Polish Review 41, no. 4 (1996): 413.

285 soldiers still thought to be in Soviet hands: Halik Kochanski, The Eagle Unbowed: Poland and the Poles in the Second World War (London: Allen Lane, 2012), 166.

286 “All that is past history”: Quoted in David Dilks, ed., The Diaries of Sir Alexander Cadogan, 1938–1945 (London: Cassell, 1971), 391.

287 neither side was willing to give: Kochanski, op. cit., 167.

287 premier’s handling of the negotiations: Cienciala, op. cit., 427.

287 “we had a strong obligation”: Winston S. Churchill, The Second World War , vol. 3: The Grand Alliance (London: Cassell, 1950), 349.

287 “insistence and flexibility of the Soviet government”: Maisky, op. cit., 174.

287 “patient diplomacy tinged with anxiety”: Eden, op. cit., 273.

287 “persuading him to grant an immediate amnesty”: Gorodetsky, op. cit., 132.

288 postponed until subsequent negotiations: The English-language text of the agreement is at http://avalon.law.yale.edu/wwii/polsov.asp.

289 “looked down rather disapprovingly”: Colville, op. cit., 502.

EPILOGUE

291 referring to Russia as “our India”: H. R. Trevor-Roper, ed., Hitler’s Table Talk, 1941–1944 (London: Phoenix Press, 2000), 24.

291 “You yourselves know best how honestly”: Text reported by the New York Times , October 4, 1941.

292 “The partnership with the Soviet Union”: Hitler to Mussolini, June 21, 1941, quoted in R. J. Sontag and J. S. Beddie, eds., Nazi-Soviet Relations, 1939–1941: Documents from the Archives of the German Foreign Office , ed. Raymond James Sontag and James Stuart Beddie (Washington, DC: Department of State, 1948), 351, 353.

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