AAVV - Acoger, abastecer y financiar la corte

SANCHIS SIVERA, Josep (1930-1931), «Pintores medievales en Valencia», Archivo de arte valenciano , vol. XVI-XVII, pp. 3-64.

SMURRA, Rosa (2001), «Una storia di ‘integrazione’ nella Napoli angioina», Ricerche di Pedagogia e Didattica , 6/1, pp. 1-36.

VITI, Paolo (1987) «Pier Candido Decembrio», Dizionario Biografico degli Jtaliani , vol. 33, Rome, Treccani, en ligne: < http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/pier-candido-decembrio_(Dizionario-Biografico)/>.

1. GUENÉE, LEHOUX, 1968; JACKSON, 1984; GIESEY, 1987; BRYANT, 1986; HANLEY, 1991.

2. BOUCHERON, CHIFFOLEAU, 2004; LECUPPRE DESJARDINS, 2004; CHILÀ, 2015.

3. KLAPISCH-ZUBER, 1985.

4. Ibid. , p. 135; BOUREAU, 1991.

5. RYDER, 1976; ID., 1990.

6. GARZILI, Notar Giacomo, Cronica ; GIANNONE, Storia civile ; ANONYME, I diurnali del Duca ; SUMMONTE, Storia della città e del Regno ; CHILÀ, 2013.

7. Sur ce sujet, voir les propositions de CROUZET-PAVAN, 2013.

8. MANGONE, 2011.

9. Luca Amadei à la Balia de Sienne, 23 janvier 1457, F. SENATORE éd., Dispacci sforzeschi , 2007, p. 484.

10. F. DE BOFARULL Y SANTS, «Alfonso V de Aragón en Nápoles», 1899, pp. 615-635, p. 626; Archivo de la Corona de Aragón (ACA), Reg. 2736, f° 12v.º

11. C. MINIERI RICCIO, «Alcuni fatti», 1881, p. 459.

12. VITI, 1987, en ligne.

13. « se reté devers si per lo loguer de dues cases que té a la ruga cathalana en les quals han stat partida dels cavalls del Senyor Rey », NAVARRO ESPINACH, IGUAL LUIS, 2002, p. 202.

14. C. MINIERI-RICCIO, «Alcuni fatti», p. 425.

15. GENTILE, 1909, p. 46, p. 81.

16. C. MINIERI-RICCIO, «Alcuni fatti», 1884, p. 449.

17. A. M. COMPAGNA, Fonti aragonesi , 1979, p. 48.

18. N. BARONE, «Le cedole», 1881, p. 207.

19. GIMENO BLAY, GOZALBO GIMENO, TRENCHS ODENA, 2011, pp. 156-159.

20. Les Amigo ou Sellent de Catalogne par exemple.

21. «Mossen Civeller e en Pere Joan de Sant-Climent signiffiquen aturar, e pus lo seynor rey va anarsen ab e sperar fins lavors. Tots tres [Fiveller, Sant-Climent et Dusay] van, e a la Daraçana és lur major star ab en Puyades, e alii menya mossen Dusay qui nonch és sinó ab son fill e i bort, e possa a la Daraçana on en Pujades li ha feta una cambra de fust e alíi stà.» Pere Boquet aux conseillers de Barcelone, 5 mai 1456, J. M. MADURELL I MARIMON éd., Mensajeros barceloneses , p. 521.

22. Antoni Vinyes aux conseillers de Barcelone, 22 septembre et 7 octobre 1451, ibid ., p. 388, p. 393.

23. «Item, lo dit mossèn de Requesens ha logada una barracha o pallar a la Torra del Grech, e nit, ni dia, no’s mou d’ella, e per ço me cové anarhi pus sovint, que no’s feria, per tenirli esment a les sues mans», Antoni Vinyes aux conseillers de Barcelone, 19 septembre 1451, ibid ., p. 381.

24. SANTANGELO, 2009.

25. FORONDA, 2003, p. 46.

26. MIRANDA, 2011.

27. Alberico Maletta à Francesco Sforza, 29 août 1455, F. SENATORE éd., Dispacci sforzeschi , 2007, p. 242.

28. RYDER, 1976.

29. GENTILE, 1938, p. 11.

30. Archivio di Stato di Napoli (ASN), Corporazioni religiose soppresse, 452, San Domenico Maggiore, lettre C, f° 1r.

31. GENTILE, 1938, p. 11.

32. ACA, C, Reg. 2914, f0 102v.0: «[...] licenciam concessimus construendi seu construi faciendi aliquas domos ad latus muri dicte civitatis nostre Neapolis [...]; in dictis domibus per eum fabricandis ad latus dicti muri facere porticum sive porticos qui a recto limite parietis isparum domorum exeant versus et supra plateam dicti mercati ponitos supra columnas in dicta platea exigendas et constituendas qui portici a dicta pariete muri per palmos sexdecum parum plus vel minus se extendant super quosquidem porticos domos ipsas sublevare possit [...]».

33. ASN, Corporazioni religiose soppresse, 452, San Domenico Maggiore, lettre C, f° 1r.º

34. ASN, Corporazioni religiose soppresse, 1395-1, San Sebastiano e Pietro, f° 20r.º-131r.º

35. ASN, Corporazioni religiose sopresse, 13, Sant’Agostino Maggiore, f° 1r-76r.º

36. SANCHIS SIVERA, 1930, p. 3-64.

37. N. BARONE, «Le cedole», 1881, p. 633.

38. Archivo del Reino de Valencia (ARV), MR, 8790, f° 99r.º

39. ARV, MR, 4908, f° 35r.º-50v.º

40. Ibidem , f° 35r.º

41. Ibidem , f° 38v.º

42. Ibidem , f° 40v.º

43. Ibidem , f° 44r.º

44. Ibidem , f° 46v.º

45. Ibidem , f° 47v.º, f° 50v.º

46. ASN, Intendenza di Napoli, primo versamento, busta 744. C’est Gaetano Damiano, à l’Archivo di Stato di Napoli, qui m’a mise sur la piste de cette fondation; qu’il en soit ici chaleureusement remercié.

47. BARRETO, 2013, pp. 134-139.

48. ARV, MR, 9408, passim . La formule employée est: Item a […] del dit mes pos en data al magnifich don Pedro de Cardona camarlench del senyor rey per la offerta que feu lo dit senyor oyent missa lo present jorn que es sant […] en lo monestir / en la iglesia etc.

49. ARV, MR, 9408, f° 17v.º-57r.º

50. ARV, MR, 9408, f° 32r.º, Margarita de Sorrente et Francesca de Naples prennent le voile à San Sebastiano et reçoivent 67 ducats.

51. ACA, C, 2698 f° 47v.º-48r.º: «Item supplicaran al dit sant pare que le placia per sa bulla dispensar ab lo dit senyor que no incorrega sanciones [...] com se esdevinga lo dit S. anar personalment per hoyr los divinals officis en tos dits monastirs en les festes e solemnitats de les sants e recepcions processions o benediccions de monges a les quals sovin es invitat per les almoynes e beneficis que en tals casos fa als dits monastirs.»

52. «Virginibus vero omnibus Christi Dei verissimi sacris initiari capientibus dotem, sine qua haud recipi mos est, regem elargitum constat. Cumque essent fere innumerabiles, quae dotis spe proposita mundo renunciarent sacrasque nuptias adirent, nunquam tamen a tam liberali et religioso proposito destitisse. Immo vero quo plures ac plures sese quotidie ad sacerdotium offerrent, eo libentius atque benignius omnes excipere atque dotare consuesse.» BECCADELLI, Dels fets e dits , p. 94.

SEPARATION AND DISTINCTION: HOW THE COURT EXPERIENCED THE CITY

Rita Costa Gomes Towson University

Historical studies about the royal court in its relation to late medieval European cities tend to focus on the figure of the monarchs themselves. And rightly so, one might add, since it was the king’s presence that established the special kind of place that courts were according to the famous definition of the medieval Iberian legal tradition formulated in the thirteenth-century legal code of the Partidas . Yet we must consider also the royal court as a whole, not only the central figure of the king nor solely a small group of his closest followers. Did the stay of the monarch and the settlement of the royal court achieve an integration of the people that composed the king’s following into the city that hosted him? What would be the practical aspects of such integration? In the remarks that follow, I aim at answering these simple interrogations. Zooming out from the central figure of the ruler brings a change of perspective. We are forced to consider a larger human group, the variable configuration of men and women moving around with the king.

The logistics required by the transfer and settling of the numerous followers travelling with kings and queens certainly left an impact in local realities. Governance mechanisms had to be set in motion in order to lodge all the members of the court. How those mechanisms and decisions helped shape the lived experiences of the courtiers in urban environments is a subject far less discussed than, for instance, the solemn ceremonies and rituals associated to the royal visit. Yet it seems equally important to understand what happened to the king’s followers and the members of his court once the festivity or the entry ceremony, exceptionally breaking the day-to-day routine of both court and city, had taken its full course. Where would most members of the court be lodged? What places could they, at the end of the day, call home?