Derek Offord - Using Russian - A Guide to Contemporary Usage

r The prefix вы- is stressed on all perfectiveverbs, irrespective of whether they are disyllabic: вы´дaть, to issue ; вы´йти, to go out ; вы´лeчить, to cure ; вы´тaщить, to drag out .

r This prefix is also stressed on most other disyllabic words, e.g. вы´дрa, otter ; вы´ход, exit ; вы´шe, higher .

12.5

Variation in stress

The stress in a word, like its pronunciation, inflection or even gender, may change over time or may vary from user to user and in different

situations. A few miscellaneous points may finally be made in this

connection.

r One group of words in which stress is particularly unstable, and for which reference works often suggest alternative stress, is the set of past-tense forms of certain verbs that consist of a monosyllabic basic verb + prefix, e.g.

m

f

n

pl

прибы´ть, to arrive

при´бы´л

при´бы´лa´

при´бы´ло´

при´бы´ли

пробы´ть, to stay

про´бы´л

про´бы´лa´

про´бы´ло´

про´бы´ли

зaдa´ть, to set

зa´дa´л

зa´дa´лa´

зa´дa´ло´

зa´дa´ли

издa´ть, to edit, publish

издa´л

издa´лa´

и´здa´ло´

и´здa´ли

отдa´ть, to give back, hand in

о´тдa´л

о´тдa´лa´

о´тдa´ло´

о´тдa´ли

придa´ть, to attach

при´дa´л

при´дa´лa´

при´дa´ло´

при´дa´ли

продa´ть, to sell

про´дa´л

про´дa´лa´

про´дa´ло´

про´дa´ли

пeрeжи´ть, to survive

пe´рeжи´л

пe´рeжи´лa´

пe´рeжи´ло´

пe´рeжи´ли

прожи´ть, to live, stay

про´жи´л

про´жи´лa´

про´жи´ло´

про´жи´ли

зaли´ть, to flood

зa´ли´л

зa´ли´лa´

зa´ли´ло´

зa´ли´ли

обли´ть, to pour over

о´бли´л

обли´лa´

о´бли´ло´

о´бли´ли

проли´ть, to shed

про´ли´л

про´ли´лa´

про´ли´ло´

про´ли´ли

Note:

in the verb рaздa´ть, to give out, distribute , the vowel in the prefix changes when the prefix bears the stress: ро´здaл/рaздa´л, рaздaлa´, ро´здaло/рaздa´ло, ро´здaли/рaздa´ли.

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12.5

Variation in stress

The variants of these past-tense forms with stress on the prefix are now less common than those with stress on the stem of the verb in the

masculine, neuter and plural forms (or the ending in the feminine

forms). However, no firm guidance can confidently be given on usage

in these verbs.

r In R1 stress on the stem is now encountered in the feminine past-tense form of some monosyllabic verbs, or verbs derived from monosyllabic

verbs, which in the standard language have stress on the ending (see

12.4.3 above), e.g. брa´лa, ждa´лa, нaчa´лa, приня´лa, собрa´лa, сня´лa, спa´лa(instead of standard брaлa´, took ; ждaлa´, waited ; нaчaлa´, began ; принялa´, accepted, received ; собрaлa´, gathered ; снялa´, took off ; спaлa´, slept , respectively).

At the same time in the neuter past-tense forms of certain verbs

stress may be found on the ending instead of the stem, e.g. ждaло´, приняло´, собрaло´, сняло´ (instead of standard ждa´ло, waited ; при´няло, accepted, received ; собрa´ло, gathered ; сня´ло, took off ).

r Stress in the indicative forms of some second-conjugation verbs is also unstable in R1. In some such verbs which in the standard language

have stress on the ending throughout the indicative (12.4.2.1 above) stress now shifts to the stem in the second-person-singular form and subsequent forms (as in verbs listed in 12.4.2.3 above), e.g. вклю´чим, we shall include/switch on ; облe´гчит, (s)he will facilitate . This change is unsurprising, given that stress may now fall on the stem in the

infinitive form ( облe´гчитьinstead of standard облeгчи´ть).

Past passive participles may be similarly affected, e.g. зaклю´чeн, concluded, confined , and внe´сeн, brought in, inserted , instead of standard зaключёнand внeсён.

r Stress has been particularly affected over the last fifteen or twenty years by the broadcasting of the speech of politicians and presenters with regional speech habits. For example, the non-standard stress of the

infinitive form of certain common verbs (e.g. зa´нять, to engage, occupy ; нa´чaть, to begin ; при´нять, to accept, receive ; углу´бить, to deepen ) came to be disseminated as a result of the prominence of Gorbacho´v, who

comes from the Sta´vropol region of southern Russia.

r One may hear alternative stress in adjectives and nouns, as well as in various parts of the verb, e.g. укрa´инский( Ukrainian ; adj), укрa´инeц

( Ukrainian ; noun), цeну´ (acc sg of цeнa´, price ) and доллa´р, dollar (instead of standard укрaи´нский, укрaи´нeц, цe´ну, до´ллaр,

respectively). In some nouns ending in the suffix - eниe, in which stress has hitherto been on the stem in the standard language, the suffix is now attracting the stress (no doubt by analogy with the vast majority of nouns ending in this suffix, in which the stress does fall on the antepenultimate vowel), e.g. нaмeрe´ниe, intention , and обeспeчe´ниe, securing, guaranteeing, provision , instead of standard нaмe´рeниe, обeспe´чeниe. The important thing for the student is to know which variant is still considered standard.