Martin Jacques - When China Rules the World

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For well over two hundred years we have lived in a western-made world, one where the very notion of being modern is inextricably bound up with being western. The twenty-first century will be different. The rise of China, India and the Asian tigers means that, for the first time, modernity will no longer be exclusively western. The west will be confronted with the fact that its systems, institutions and values are no longer the only ones on offer. The key idea of Martin Jacques's ground-breaking new book is that we are moving into an era of contested modernity. The central player in this new world will be China. Continental in size and mentality, China is a 'civilisation-state' whose characteristics, attitudes and values long predate its existence as a nation-state. Although clearly influenced by the west, its extraordinary size and history mean that it will remain highly distinct, and as it exercises its rapidly growing power it will change much more than the world's geo-politics. The nation-state as we understand it will no longer be globally dominant, and the Westphalian state-system will be transformed; ideas of race will be redrawn. This profound and far-sighted book explains for the first time the deeper meaning of the rise of China.
***
China Digital Times
Book Review: When China Rules the World
“When you’re alone and life is making you lonely, you can always go: downtown.” So warbled the British singer, Petula Clark in the 1960s. However, today if solitude is your constant companion, I would suggest that you purchase a copy of this riveting book and read it on the bus and in airports — as I have been doing in recent days, with the dramatic words on the bright red cover of this weighty tome blaring insistently — and no doubt you will find, as I have, that your reading reverie will be constantly interrupted by a stream of anxious interlopers curious to know what the future may hold.
For like Petula Clark, the author too hails from London, though the startling message he brings decidedly differs from her melancholy intervention. For it is the author’s conclusion that sooner rather than later, China — a nation ruled by a Communist Party — will have the most sizeable and powerful economy in the world and that this will have manifold economic, cultural, psychological (and racial) consequences. Strangely enough, Jacques — one of the better respected intellectuals in the North Atlantic community — does not dwell upon how this monumental turn of events occurred. To be sure, he pays obeisance to the leadership of Comrade Deng Xiaoping, who in 1978, opened China’s economy to massive inward foreign direct investment, which set the stage for the 21st Century emergence of the planet’s most populous nation. Yet, for whatever reason, Jacques — who once was a leading figure in the British Communist Party — does not deign to detail to the gentle reader how Beijing brokered an alliance with US imperialism, that helped to destabilize their mutual foe in Moscow, which prepared the path for the gargantuan capital infusion that has transformed China and bids fair to do the same for the world as a whole.
Still, it is noteworthy that this book’s back-cover carries blurbs from the conservative economic historian, Niall Ferguson of Harvard (Henry Kissinger’s authorized biographer); the leading historian, Eric Hobsbawm; the well-known Singaporean intellectual and leader, Kishore Mahbubani (who has written a book that mirrors Jacques’ earthshaking conclusions); and a raft of Chinese thinkers who do not seem displeased nor surprised by his findings.

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[104]Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire , p. 65.

[105]Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World , p. 397.

[106]Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire , pp. 68-9.

[107]Maddison, The World Economy: Historical Statistics , p. 262; Maddison, The World Economy: A Millennial Perspective (Paris: OECD, 2006), p. 114.

[108]Jonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern China , 2nd edn (New York: W. W. Norton, 1999), pp. 229-34.

[109]Elvin, ‘The Historian as Haruspex’, p. 104.

[110]For a more positive view of the impact of colonialism, see Niall Ferguson, Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World (London: Penguin, 2004), pp. 365-81, especially pp. 368-71.

[111]Therborn, European Modernity and Beyond , p. 40.

[112]Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations , p. 431.

[113]Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World , pp. 182, 397-8, 409.

[114]Quoted in Arrighi, Adam Smith in Beijing , p. 3.

[115]Therborn, European Modernity and Beyond , pp. 5–6. Apart from the European and American passages through modernity, there are two other types. The third is that represented by East Asia, where local ruling elites, threatened by Western colonization, sought to modernize their countries in order to forestall this threat: the classic example of this is Japan. (The East Asian model will be the subject of the next chapter.) The fourth type concerns those countries that were successfully colonized and which were obliged to modernize after finally achieving national independence. History suggests that this last category has faced by far the biggest problems.

[116]Samuel P. Huntington, Who Are We? America ’s Great Debate (London: The Free Press, 2005), pp. 44- 5.

[117]Ibid., p. 40.

[118]Ibid., pp. 53-4.

[119]Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations , p. 301.

[120]Maddison, The World Economy: Historical Statistics , p. 261.

[121]Robert Kagan, Dangerous Nation: America and the World 1600 - 1898 (London: Atlantic Books, 2006), Chapter 11; Niall Ferguson, Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire (London: Allen Lane, 2004), Chapter 1; Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire , p. 58; Eric Hobsbawm, ‘America’s Neo-Conservative World Supremacists Will Fail’, Guardian , 25 June 2005.

[122]G. John Ikenberry, Liberal Order and Imperial Ambition: Essays on American Power and World Politics (Cambridge: Polity, 2006), pp. 6–8.

[123]Alastair Bonnett, The Idea of the West: Culture, Politics and History (London: Palgrave, 2004), Chapter 1; Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations , pp. 69–72; John Gray, False Dawn: The Delusions of Global Capitalism (London: Granta Books, 1998), p. 125.

[124]Bonnett, The Idea of the West , p. 25.

[125]J. M. Roberts, The Triumph of the West (London: Phoenix Press, 2001), p. 291. See McNeill, The Rise of the West , pp. 806-7, however, for a more cautious view.

[126]Interview with Chie Nakane, Tokyo, June 1999.

[127]Michio Morishima, Why Has Japan ‘Succeeded’: Western Technology and the Japanese Ethos (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), p. 20.

[128]The first constitution, adopted in AD 604, for example, was an overwhelmingly Confucian document; ibid., p. 26.

[129]Ibid., pp. 10, 34.

[130]Ibid., pp. 35-6, 7.

[131]Ibid., pp. 9, 32, 34.

[132]Ruth Benedict, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword: Patterns of Japanese Culture (London: Secker and Warburg, 1947), pp. 68-9.

[133]David S. Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations (London: Little, Brown, 1998), Chapter 22.

[134]Benedict, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword , p. 61; Karel van Wolferen, The Enigma of Japanese Power: People and Politics in a Stateless Nation (New York: Vintage, 1990), p. 74.

[135]Morishima, Why Has Japan ‘Succeeded’ , pp. 14–15, 45; Benedict, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword , pp. 61-4.

[136]Morishima, Why Has Japan ‘Succeeded’ , pp. 53-4; Benedict, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword , p. 61; Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations , pp. 355-6.

[137]Endymion Wilkinson, Japan Versus the West: Image and Reality (London: Penguin, 1990), p. 54; G. C. Allen, A Short Economic History of Modern Japan (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1962), pp. 20–21.

[138]Morishima, Why Has Japan ‘Succeeded’ , pp. 68-9.

[139]Ibid., pp. 41-2, 74-5, 89–93.

[140]Ibid., pp. 70–71, 75, 90; Benedict, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword , p. 77. For a fuller discussion of this period see, for example, Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations , Chapter 23.

[141]Robert Kagan, Dangerous Nation: America and the World 1600 - 1898 (London: Atlantic Books, 2006), p. 328.

[142]Wilkinson, Japan Versus the West , pp. 57, 61.

[143]Benedict, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword , pp. 72-3.

[144]Morishima, Why Has Japan ‘Succeeded’ , p. 85.

[145]Ibid., pp. 74, 78, 89; Benedict, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword , pp. 73-4.

[146]‘Modernization was created by a state without a class struggle’: interview with Peter Tasker, Tokyo, June 1999.

[147]Kosaku Yoshino, Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary Japan (London: Routledge, 1992), p. 123. Also, Chie Nakane, Japanese Society (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1970).

[148]Yoshino, Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary Japan , p. 128.

[149]Interview with Peter Tasker, Tokyo, June 1999; interview with Tatsuro Hanada, Tokyo, June 1999.

[150]Yoshino, Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary Japan , p. 2; Wilkinson, Japan versus the West , pp. 44-5.

[151]Yoshino, Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary Japan , pp. 12–20; interviews with Kosaku Yoshino, Tokyo, June 1999 and June 2005.

[152]Benedict, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword , p. 10.

[153]Ibid., pp. 47-8, 55.

[154]Van Wolferen, The Enigma of Japanese Power , p. 160.

[155]Benedict, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword , pp. 98-9.

[156]Deepak Lal, Unintended Consequences (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1998), pp. 12–13, 91-3, 148; Benedict, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword , pp. 103, 113-15, 122, 166, 171, 222-4.

[157] Suicide Rates (World Health Organization, 2007). The rates for women are 12.8 for Japan, 4.2 for the US, 3.3 for the UK and 6.6 for Germany.

[158]Morishima, Why Has Japan ‘Succeeded’ , pp. 86, 107-17; van Wolferen, The Enigma of Japanese Power , Chapter 6.

[159]Lucian W. Pye, Asian Power and Politics: The Cultural Dimension of Authority (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985), p. 179; van Wolferen, The Enigma of Japanese Power , pp. 213, 221.

[160]See Alan Macfarlane, Japan Through the Looking Glass (London: Profile Books, 2007), for an interesting discussion of Japan ’s distinctive modernity.

[161]Lal, Unintended Consequences , p. 150.

[162]Benedict, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword , p. 70; Yoshino, Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary Japan , pp. 68–95.

[163]Yoshino, Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary Japan , p. 199.

[164]Van Wolferen, The Enigma of Japanese Power , Chapter 5; Chalmers Johnson, Japan: Who Governs? The Rise of the Developmental State (New York: W. W. Norton, 1995), Chapter 6, especially pp. 124-40; Lal, Unintended Consequences , p. 146; interview with Tadashi Yamamoto, Tokyo, June 1999.

[165]Van Wolferen, The Enigma of Japanese Power , Chapter 2. The conception of leadership is also very different from the Western model, less about strong leaders and much more concerned with consensus-building; Pye, Asian Power and Politics , p. 171.

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