György Spiró - Captivity

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Captivity: краткое содержание, описание и аннотация

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The epic bestseller and winner of the prestigious Aegon Literary Award in Hungary, Captivity is an enthralling and illuminating historical saga set in the time of Jesus about a Roman Jew on a quest to the Holy Land.
A literary sensation in Hungary, György Spiró’s Captivity is both a highly sophisticated historical novel and a gripping page-turner. Set in the tumultuous first century A.D., between the year of Christ’s death and the outbreak of the Jewish War, Captivity recounts the adventures of the feeble-bodied, bookish Uri, a young Roman Jew.
Frustrated with his hapless son, Uri’s father sends the young man to the Holy Land to regain the family’s prestige. In Jerusalem, Uri is imprisoned by Herod and meets two thieves and (perhaps) Jesus before their crucifixion. Later, in cosmopolitan Alexandria, he undergoes a scholarly and sexual awakening — but must also escape a pogrom. Returning to Rome at last, he finds an entirely unexpected inheritance.
Equal parts Homeric epic, brilliantly researched Jewish history, and picaresque adventure, Captivity is a dramatic tale of family, fate, and fortitude. In its weak-yet-valiant hero, fans will be reminded of Robert Graves’ classics of Ancient Rome, I, Claudius and Claudius the God.
"With the novel Captivity, Spiró proved that he is well-versed in both historical and human knowledge. It appears that in our times, it is playfulness that is expected of literary works, rather than the portrayal of realistic questions and conflicts. As if the two, playfulness and seriousness were inconsistent with each other! On the contrary (at least for me) playfulness begins with seriousness. Literature is a serious game. So is Spiró’s novel.?"
— Imre Kertész, Nobel Prize — winning author of Fatelessness
"Like the authors of so many great novels, György Spiró sends his hero, Uri, out into the wide world. Uri is a Roman Jew born into a poor family, and the wide world is an overripe civilization — the Roman Empire. Captivity can be read as an adventure novel, a Bildungsroman, a richly detailed portrait of an era, and a historico-philosophical parable. The long series of adventures — in which it is only a tiny episode that Uri is imprisoned together with Jesus and the two thieves — at once suggest the vanity of human endeavors and a passion for life. A masterpiece."
— László Márton
“[Captivity is] an important work by yet another representative of Hungarian letters who has all the chances to become a household name among the readers of literature in translation, just like Nadas, Esterhazy and Krasznahorkai.… Meticulously researched.… The novel has been a tremendous success in Hungary, having gone through more than a dozen editions. The critics lauded its page-turning quality along with the wealth of ideas and the ambitious recreation of historical detail.”
— The Untranslated
“A novel of education and a novel of adventure that brings to life ancient Rome, Alexandria and Jerusalem with a vividness of detail that is stunning. Spiró’s prose is crisp and colloquial, the kind of prose that aims for precision rather than literary thrills. A serious and sophisticated novel that is also engrossing and highly readable is a rare thing. Captivity is such a novel.”
— Ivan Sanders, Columbia University
“György Spiró aspired at nothing less than (…) present a theory in novelistic form about the interweavedness of religion and politics, lay bare the inner workings of power and give an insight into the art of survival….This book is an incredible page turner, it reads easily and avidly like the greatest bestsellers while also going as deep as the greatest thinkers of European philosophy.”
— Aegon Literary Award 2006 jury recommendation
“What this sensational novel outlines is the demonic nature of History. Ethically as well as historically, this an especially grand-scale parable. Captivity gets its feet under any literary table you care to mention."
— István Margócsy, Élet és Irodalom
“This book is a major landmark for the year.”
— Pál Závada, Népszabadság
“It would not be surprising if literary historians were soon calling him the re-assessor and regenerator of the post-modern novel.”
— Gergely Mézes, Magyar Hírlap
“Impossibly engrossing from the very first page….Building on a huge volume of reference material, the novel rings true from both a historical and a literary point of view.”
— Magda Ferch, Magyar Nemzet

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Philo reproved him too for his cynicism.

Marcus burst out:

“That incident in Jamnia might yet come in very handy! The emperor will have to realize that a Jewish prefect needs to be appointed to govern Jews.”

“You’re not implying that we set the whole thing up premeditatedly?”

Marcus was miffed.

Tija snickered:

“The Jews are onto a good thing as long as they have Greeks or Latini governing them,” he said. “Every time they’ve had a king of their own kind they’ve torn each other to pieces.”

The alabarch was infuriated, and with good reason; after the Bane he had spent a lot of money sending hundreds of messengers throughout Egypt, Judaea too, with the aim of safeguarding the Jews from Greek provocations. He had cautioned them against responding to provocation with violence, but it had never crossed his mind to send anyone to Jamnia, seeing that it constituted imperial property.

“Where else was I supposed to send an envoy? Athens, Dalmatia, the summit of Mount Ararat, the ruins of Carthage?” the alabarch roared. “Where else? Antioch, Delos, Samos, Cyprus, perchance Rome? What makes the Jews such brainless idiots?”

Uri was now well able to imagine how Pilate, the prefect, in his palace at Caesarea, must have screamed when he learned about the carnage at Mount Gerizim. Would he have sent a cohort there as well to prevent Lucius Vitellius’s soldiers from staging a massacre? And where else?

It was on the tip of Uri’s tongue to point out that since Jamnia was an imperial property it was unlikely that anything happened there without the emperor’s imprimatur, and maybe this was Capito’s way of paying for the emperor’s confidence, but he swallowed it.

The emperor had arrived and they, the Jewish delegation from Alexandria, had to arrange to be received by the emperor.

Through cordial, unselfish companionship and obscure (though obviously material) promises, Marcus, Tija, and the alabarch had managed to get appropriate senators and equestrians to divulge whom they needed to turn to on the matter of obtaining an interview.

Homilus, some suggested — he was the imperial counselor on matters of delegations, and was the one who saw all delegations first and decided the order in which they would be admitted into the emperor’s presence. He was an intelligent man, speaking, in addition to Latin and Greek, Coptic, Aramaic, and one of the Germanic languages.

Not him, others said; Helicon was a better bet.

He was a Greek freedman who alone saw to all Caligula’s private affairs, a sort of entertainment chamberlain. Night and day he stayed beside the emperor, and even accompanied him to his bed. A funny man, he instantly comes up with caustic and witty repartee for any situation, having been well instructed by his original master, who gave him to Tiberius; the former emperor freed him from slavery, and he was inherited by Caligula, who supposedly said that this one man had more sense than the whole Senate put together, and only his favorite horse, Incitatus, was cleverer.

The highly ranked informants added regretfully, with much sighing: we were living in such dismal times when a nonentity of a freedman could hold more power than the entire Senate and the whole equestrian order.

Philo was devastated.

Helicon’s the one who arranged for Isidoros and Lampo to be Flaccus’s public prosecutors. The emperor has received them several times and heaped them with gifts. One could well imagine what sort of things this fellow has whispered into the emperor’s ear regarding the Jews of Alexandria.

It was quite certain that only for a huge sum could Helicon be persuaded to call the emperor’s attention to the Jewish delegation. It was said that he was not exactly averse to money.

“For all that,” the alabarch said angrily, “the emperor appointed Agrippa as king, and for all that Galilee was made Agrippa’s!”

Tija threw out the suggestion that it would do no harm to invite Agrippa to Rome.

That incensed the alabarch even more.

“Aren’t there enough of us as it is?” he yelled. “Who does Agrippa think he is anyway! It was us who made him king! We stuffed him with money! We still have him eating from the palm of our hand!”

Philo took the line that August 31 was still a long time away; if no triumph went ahead, then Agrippa would only come to Rome for the emperor’s birthday, when all the other kings, princes, tribal chiefs, prefects, and legates would make their obligatory pilgrimage to the capital city of the empire, and indeed it would do no harm if he were to arrive early.

Tija waited until his father had calmed down a little before quietly stating:

“It would also do no harm if we were finally to marry into Agrippa’s family.”

Asilence fell; Philo flushed and cleared his throat.

“Marcus,” he said.

Marcus, as usual, had been leaning with his back to a wall, but now he broke away and he, too, flushed.

“I don’t think there’s any need of that!” he exclaimed disconsolately.

The alabarch remained silent.

“That’s a practicable proposition,” Philo said gloomily. “Agrippa’s son Drusus is still a young boy. If anything were to happen to Agrippa — let’s say he were to eat himself to death one evening — the kingdom of the Jews would go to the dogs.”

Marcus uttered a groan.

“What’s Agrippa’s eldest daughter named?” he asked mournfully.

“Berenice,” said Tija cheerfully. “Soon she’ll be twelve… She’s said to be pretty. Let’s just pray she doesn’t grow up ugly.”

The next day couriers set off to Agrippa, telling him to leave his fresh acquisition of Galilee and make haste for Rome. The couriers, five in number, were sent by different routes to Galilee with the promise that whoever reached Sepphoris first would earn a special reward.

That was how Uri learned that Agrippa, had moved the capital of Galilee to Sepphoris from Tiberias. By this decision, Agrippa generously and collectively left to Antipas those officials who had been living in the previous capital, and returned to the old adminstrators of the district (or, to be more accurate, to their descendants) as he knew they would serve gratefully and faithfully. Nor could it be said any longer that Galilee’s capital city was unclean, as Sepphoris was not built on a cemetery.

Claudius had also returned with the emperor, but as he had no reason not to cross Rome’s pomerium he did appear in the city. Philo went to call on him, taking Uri with him.

As they arrived, Claudius was scrambling around, blinking sleepily in a rumpled smock and slippers in a disorderly house full of scrolls, statues, and tapestries. He was glad to see Philo and embraced him; he cast a glance at Uri and muttered something cordially before starting to grumble about his nephew, the beastly fellow, for not letting him live. Uri thought at first that he was still piqued at the emperor for having furiously shoved him into the river, but it turned out that it was not that: Claudius was despondent that he, as Caligula’s priest, was forced to take part in all sorts of lunatic ceremonies.

“This whole thing is not for me,” wailed this large-bodied, large-headed man, who spoke excellent Greek. “I get myself taken over there in the palanquin, with my guts jolted this way and that; then once I get there I have to sit for hours in the sun, and if I pull my toga over my head, they tell me off, they jabber nonsense, and then sometimes I have to stand up and stutter something, and I’m not even allowed to read or sleep. It’ll be the death of me!”

He pulled his left leg a little and spoke a bit oddly: in the middle of sentences his voice began to crack to a higher register, as if his throat were constricting, and he was only able to end the sentence at a squeak.

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