Фрэнсис Фукуяма - Identity - The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment

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Identity: The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment: краткое содержание, описание и аннотация

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The New York Times bestselling author of The Origins of Political Order offers a provocative examination of modern identity politics: its origins, its effects, and what it means for domestic and international affairs of state
In 2014, Francis Fukuyama wrote that American institutions were in decay, as the state was progressively captured by powerful interest groups. Two years later, his predictions were borne out by the rise to power of a series of political outsiders whose economic nationalism and authoritarian tendencies threatened to destabilize the entire international order. These populist nationalists seek direct charismatic connection to “the people,” who are usually defined in narrow identity terms that offer an irresistible call to an in-group and exclude large parts of the population as a whole.
Demand for recognition of one’s identity is a master concept that unifies much of what is going on in world politics today. The universal recognition on which liberal democracy is based has been increasingly challenged by narrower forms of recognition based on nation, religion, sect, race, ethnicity, or gender, which have resulted in anti-immigrant populism, the upsurge of politicized Islam, the fractious “identity liberalism” of college campuses, and the emergence of white nationalism. Populist nationalism, said to be rooted in economic motivation, actually springs from the demand for recognition and therefore cannot simply be satisfied by economic means. The demand for identity cannot be transcended; we must begin to shape identity in a way that supports rather than undermines democracy.
Identity is an urgent and necessary book―a sharp warning that unless we forge a universal understanding of human dignity, we will doom ourselves to continuing conflict.

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3

Bassam Tibi, “Why Can’t They Be Democratic?,” Journal of Democracy 19 (3) (2008): 43–48.

4

Something similar has happened in other multicultural societies in ways that sometimes get embodied in language. After the Acts of Union in 1707, when Scotland was incorporated into the United Kingdom, people in England began referring to themselves as British instead of English, an identity that included people in Wales, Scotland, and (at the time) Ireland. In the Russian language, the adjective russkiy means ethnic Russian, and the adjective rossiyskiy means a citizen of the Russian Federation, who could be a Muslim Chechen or a Dagestani.

5

“Muslim Identities and the School System in France and Britain: The Impact of the Political and Institutional Configurations on Islam-Related Education Policies ,” paper presented for the ECPR General Conference, Pisa, September 2007; Jenny Berglund, Publicly Funded Islamic Education in Europe and the United States (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 2015); Marie Parker-Johnson, “Equal Access to State Funding: The Case of Muslim Schools in Britain,” Race, Ethnicity and Education 5 (2010): 273–89.

6

Even in France there are exceptions; the French state supports religious schools in Alsace as one of the complex historical legacies of that contested region.

7

Despite some evidence that Proposition 227 had been followed by an increase in English acquisition by immigrant children, it was repealed by Proposition 58 in 2016. See Edward Sifuentes, “Proposition 227: 10 Years Later,” San Diego Union-Tribune , November 8, 2008.

8

Daniel Jacobson, Rights Across Borders: Immigration and the Decline of Citizenship (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 8–11.

9

This situation changes the moment a foreigner reaches the territory of a given country. In the United States, Europe, and other liberal democracies, domestic law gives rights to noncitizens, including those who are undocumented. This creates strong incentives for migrants to reach the territory of a given country by any means possible, legal or illegal. It also gives states hoping to control their borders incentives to prevent them from doing so, by constructing physical barriers such as walls, interdiction on the high seas, or redirection to offshore jurisdictions where domestic law will not apply. See Casper, “Forswearing Allegiance,” in Häberle, Jahrbuch ; Moria Paz, “The Law of Walls,” European Journal of International Law 28 (2) (2017): 601–24.

10

This was the proposed comprehensive immigration reform package suggested by the Brookings-Duke Immigration Policy Roundtable, “Breaking the Immigration Stalemate: From Deep Disagreements to Constructive Proposals,” October 6, 2009.

11

Vetocracy refers to the way in which the American system of checks and balances permits well-organized minorities to veto decisions that get majority support. See Fukuyama, Political Order and Political Decay , chap. 34, pp. 488–505.

12

See Juan Pablo Cardenal et al., Sharp Power: Rising Authoritarian Influence (Washington, DC: National Endowment for Democracy, December 2017).

13

Neal Stephenson, Snow Crash (New York: Bantam Books, 1992).

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