Tony Wood - Russia Without Putin - Money, Power and the Myths of the New Cold War

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Russia Without Putin: Money, Power and the Myths of the New Cold War: краткое содержание, описание и аннотация

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How the West’s obsession with Vladimir Putin prevents it from understanding Russia
It is impossible to think of Russia today without thinking of Vladimir Putin. More than any other major national leader, he personifies his country in the eyes of the outside world, and dominates Western media coverage of it to an extraordinary extent. In Russia itself, he is likewise the centre of attention for detractors and supporters alike. But as Tony Wood argues, this overwhelming focus on the president and his personality means that we understand Russia less than we ever did before. Too much attention is paid to the man, and not enough to the country outside the Kremlin’s walls.
In this timely and provocative analysis, Wood looks beyond Putin to explore the profound changes Russia has undergone since 1991. In the process, he challenges many of the common assumptions made about contemporary Russia. Though commonly viewed as an ominous return to Soviet authoritarianism, Putin’s rule should instead be seen as a direct continuation of Yeltsin’s in the 1990s. And though many of Russia’s problems today are blamed on legacies of the Soviet past, Wood argues that the core features of Putinism – a predatory, authoritarian elite presiding over a vastly unequal society – are integral to the system set in place after the fall of Communism.
What kind of country has emerged from Russia’s post-Soviet transformations, and where might it go in future? Russia Without Putin culminates in an arresting analysis of the country’s foreign policy – identifying the real power dynamics behind its escalating clashes with the West – and with reflections on the paths Russia might take in the 21st century.

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21

On the healthcare reform protests, see for example ‘Vrachi vzialis’ za lechenie sistemy zdravookhraneniia’, Kommersant , 2 November 2014. On the dal’noboishchiki , see Nikolai Ovchinnikov, ‘A voice from Russia’s truckers’ protest’, openDemocracy , 9 December 2015, and Ekaterina Fomina, ‘We have plenty of reasons to protest apart from Platon’, openDemocracy , 14 December 2017. On Karelian pensioners, see Anna Yarovaya, ‘Extremists by any other name’, openDemocracy , 31 January 2018.

22

Voronkov, Aleksei Navalnyi , pp. 29, 22.

1

For a lucid and balanced account, to which the following discussion is indebted, see Andrei Tsygankov, Russia’s Foreign Policy: Change and Continuity in National Identity , 4th edition, Lanham, MD 2016.

2

Dmitri Trenin, Post-Imperium: A Eurasian Story , Washington, DC 2011, p. 75; figures from SIPRI database.

3

Anatol Lieven, Chechnya: Tombstone of Russian Power , New Haven and London 1998.

4

Author’s calculations from World Bank data (World Development Indicators, retrieved 28 December 2016).

5

On the emergence and rise of the ‘New Thinking’, see Robert English, Russia and the Idea of the West: Gorbachev, Intellectuals and the End of the Cold War , New York 2000.

6

The encounter is described in Dimitri Simes, After the Collapse: Russia Seeks Its Place as a Great Power , New York 1999, p. 19.

7

Andrei Kozyrev, ‘Russia: A Chance for Survival’, Foreign Affairs , vol. 71, no. 2, Spring 1992, p. 9.

8

Tsygankov, Russia’s Foreign Policy , pp. 84, 86, Table 3.6.

9

For a comparison of Russia’s economic fortunes with those of other former Soviet states, see Vladimir Popov, ‘Russia Redux?’, New Left Review 44, March–April 2007, especially Figure 2.

10

Dmitri Furman, ‘SNG kak posledniaia forma rossiiskoi imperii’, in Igor Kliamkin, ed., Posle imperii , Moscow 2007.

11

Dmitri Furman was virtually alone in producing systematic comparative studies of all the post-Soviet regimes. Most of these remain unpublished in English, but for an overview see ‘Imitation Democracies’, New Left Review 54, November–December 2008.

12

Tsygankov gives a thorough account of this in Russia’s Foreign Policy , pp. 97–130.

13

Data from Tsygankov, Russia’s Foreign Policy , p. 106, Table 4.3 and SIPRI database.

14

For a blow-by-blow description of how the NATO enlargement policy unfolded, see James Goldgeier, Not Whether But When: The US Decision to Enlarge NATO , Washington, DC 1999.

15

For a sharp and highly prescient analysis of the implications of NATO enlargement, see Peter Gowan, ‘The Enlargement of NATO and the EU’, in The Global Gamble: Washington’s Faustian Bid for Global Dominance , London and New York 1999, pp. 292–320.

16

Address to Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, 21 September 1993, quoted in Goldgeier, Not Whether But When , p. 38.

17

Goldgeier, Not Whether But When , pp. 94–5.

18

Goldgeier, Not Whether But When , p. 142.

19

Quoted in Goldgeier, Not Whether But When , p. 88.

20

Zbigniew Brzezinski, ‘Normandy Evasion’, Washington Post , 3 May 1994.

21

George Kennan, ‘A Fateful Error’, New York Times , 5 February 1997; Thomas Friedman, ‘NATO or Tomato?’, New York Times , 22 January 1997, ‘Bye-Bye NATO’, New York Times , 14 April 1997, ‘Foreign Affairs; Now a Word from X’, New York Times , 2 May 1998.

22

See Svetlana Savranskaya and Tom Blanton, ‘NATO Expansion: What Yeltsin Heard’, National Security Archive Briefing Book , No. 621, 16 March 2018, and the accompanying Document 08, ‘Secretary Christopher’s meeting with President Yeltsin, 10/22/93, Moscow’.

23

Quoted in Goldgeier, Not Whether But When , p. 113.

24

See Sean Guillory, ‘Dermokratiya, USA’, Jacobin , 13 March 2017.

25

Goldgeier, Not Whether But When , p. 112.

26

Strobe Talbott, The Russia Hand: A Memoir of Presidential Diplomacy , New York 2002, p. 76. For a fascinating portrait of successive generations of US Russia policy experts, see Keith Gessen, ‘The Quiet Americans Behind the US–Russia Imbroglio’, New York Times Magazine , 8 May 2018.

27

Brzezinski, ‘Normandy Evasion’.

28

Peter Conradi, Who Lost Russia? How the World Entered a New Cold War , London 2017, p. 123.

29

Conradi, Who Lost Russia? , p. 123.

30

Putin et al., First Person , p. 169.

31

Vladimir Putin, ‘Rossii na rubezhe tysacheletii’, Nezavisimaia gazeta , 30 December 1999.

32

I have described this in greater detail in Chechnya: The Case for Independence , London and New York 2007.

33

Mary Buckley and Rick Fawn, eds, Global Responses to Terrorism: 9/11, Afghanistan and Beyond , London and New York 2003, pp. 227–8.

34

‘Annual Address to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation’, 25 April 2005; English translation at en.kremlin.ru.

35

Based on data from the Observatory of Economic Complexity, atlas.media.mit.edu.

36

Tsygankov, Russia’s Foreign Policy , p. 185.

37

Benjamin Bidder, ‘NATO–Russia Relations on the Mend’, Spiegel Online , 3 November 2010.

38

‘NATO chief opposes Russia’s security pact proposal’, Reuters , 17 December 2009; Hillary Clinton, ‘Remarks on the Future of European Security’, Paris, 29 January 2010.

39

Figures from Trenin, Post-Imperium , p. 149.

40

Stefan Lehne, ‘Time to Reset the European Neighborhood Policy’, Carnegie Europe , 4 February 2014.

41

‘Joint Declaration of the Prague Eastern Partnership Summit’, Prague, 7 May 2009; available at consilium.europa.eu.

42

For a balanced discussion of the stakes around the Association Agreement, see Volodymyr Ishchenko, ‘Ukraine’s Fractures’, New Left Review 87, May–June 2014.

43

‘Address by the President of the Russian Federation’, 18 March 2014; available on Kremlin website.

44

‘Kerry condemns Russia’s “incredible act of aggression” in Ukraine’, Reuters, 2 March 2014.

45

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