Tony Wood - Russia Without Putin - Money, Power and the Myths of the New Cold War

On this history, see Sarah Ashwin, ‘Russian Trade Unions: Stuck in Soviet-Style Subordination?’, in Craig Phelan, ed., Trade Union Revitalisation: Trends and Prospects in 34 Countries , Oxford 2007, pp. 319–32; and Paul Kubicek, Organized Labor in Postcommunist States , Pittsburgh 2004, ch. 5.

Novokmet, Piketty and Zucman, ‘From Soviets to Oligarchs’, p. 59, Figure 7d.

Income figures from Rosstat database.

Author’s calculations based on Rosstat data.

Author’s calculations based on 2005 Rosstat data.

Tullio Buccellato and Tomasz Mickiewicz, ‘Oil and Gas: A Blessing for the Few: Hydrocarbons and Inequality within Regions in Russia’, Europe-Asia Studies , vol. 61, no. 3, 2009, pp. 385–407.

Grigory Ioffe and Zhanna Zayonchkovskaya, ‘Immigration to Russia: Inevitability and Prospective Inflows’, Eurasian Geography and Economics , vol. 51, no. 1, 2010, p. 108.

For poll data on attitudes to migrants in Moscow during the 2000s, see Tatiana Yudina, ‘Labour Migration into Russia: the Response of State and Society’, Current Sociology , vol. 53, no. 4, 2005.

Figures from Gustafson, Wheel of Fortune , p. 391 citing Rosstat data.

‘Issledovanie RBK: skol’ko v Rossii chinovnikov i mnogo li oni zarabatyvaiut’, RBK, 15 October 2014.

Valeria Korchagina, ‘Intelligentsia Shifts to Support Putin’, Moscow Times , 30 November 1999.

Kirill Medvedev, It’s No Good: Poems, Essays, Actions , trans. Keith Gessen et al, New York 2012, p. 115.

Medvedev, It’s No Good , p. 132.

For a systematic account of the Putin government’s gradual extension of control over the media, see Masha Lipman’s chapter ‘The Media and Political Developments’, in Stephen Wegren, ed., Return to Putin’s Russia: Past Imperfect, Future Uncertain , Lanham, MD 2013.

Nelli Romanovich, ‘Dikhotomiia otnosheniia intelligentsiia k vlasti’, Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia , 1, 2009, p. 70.

‘Burgeoning bourgeoisie’, Economist Special Report, 14 February 2009, p. 4.

Gryzlov, Surkov and Putin all quoted in Thomas Remington’s excellent article, ‘The Russian Middle Class as Policy Objective’, Post-Soviet Affairs , vol. 27, no. 2, 2011, pp. 109, 105.

Tatiana Maleva, ‘Sotsialnaia politika i sotsialnye straty v sovremennoi Rossii’, in Kuda prishla Rossiia? , Moscow 2003, pp. 102–13; further studies by Natalia Tikhonova, Olesia Yudina and Liudmila Khakhulina cited in Remington, ‘Russian Middle Class’, pp. 98–99.

Cited in Remington, ‘Russian Middle Class’, p. 98.

Evgeniia Pishchikova, Piatietazhnaia Rossiia , Moscow 2009, p. 164.

Natalia Tikhonova, ‘Maloobespechennost’ v sovremennoy Rossii’, Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia , No. 1, 2010, p. 10.

Nemtsov quoted in Reddaway and Glinski, The Tragedy of Russia’s Reforms , p. 632; Camdessus in Paul Kubicek, Organized Labor in Postcommunist States , Pittsburgh 2004, p. 226, n. 115.

Cliff Kupchan, ‘Putin’s New Constraints’, New York Times , 13 March 2012; see also ‘The reawakening of Russian politics’, Financial Times , 4 March 2012; Luke Harding, ‘Putin has six more years to draw level with Brezhnev’, Guardian , 4 March 2012.

Gideon Rachman, ‘The ice is cracking under Putin’, Financial Times , 6 February 2012; ‘The beginning of the end of Putin’, Economist , 3 March 2012.

‘The shock of the old’, Economist , 20 January 2005.

On these movements, see Karine Clément et al, Ot obyvatelei k aktivistam: Zarozhdaiushchiesia sotsial’nye dvizheniia v sovremennoi Rossii , Moscow 2010, pp. 150–83.

Simon Pirani, Change in Putin’s Russia: Power, Money and People , London 2010, p. 164. Other details on the emergence of the new labour movement are drawn from Clément et al, Ot obyvatelei k aktivistam , pp. 228–94.

Pirani, Change in Putin’s Russia , p. 169. Urusov was eventually released in March 2013; on his case, see ‘Valentin Urusov: A Worker’s Struggle’, Sean’s Russia Blog , 25 January 2013.

Figures from Remington, Politics of Inequality , pp. 207–8; and the Rosstat website.

On Rubtsovsk, see Karine Clément et al, Gorodskie dvizheniia Rossii v 2009–2012 godakh: na puti k politicheskomu , Moscow 2013, pp. 278–312. The same book has detailed accounts of mobilizations in Khimki, Kaliningrad and elsewhere, on which I have also drawn in this chapter.

Ben Judah, Fragile Empire: How Russia Fell In and Out of Love with Vladimir Putin , New Haven 2012, p. 147.

Artemy Magun et al, ‘The Russian Protest Movement of 2011–2012: A New Middle-Class Populism’, Stasis , 1, 2014, pp. 160–91.

‘Opros na prospekte Sakharova 24 dekabria’, Levada Centre, 26 December 2011.

Masha Gessen, ‘It’s not just the Russian middle class in revolt – this is a true mass movement’, Guardian , 3 March 2012.

For a moving personal account of the impact of official homophobia, see Masha Gessen, ‘As a gay parent I must flee Russia or lose my children’, Guardian , 11 August 2013.

Details on these and other FBK investigations are available in English and Russian on the FBK website, fbk.info.

For data and a map of the 12 June protests, see ‘12 iiunia na ulitsy vyshlo bol’she liudei, chem 26 marta. Karta protestov “Meduzy” i “OVD-Info”. Samye polnye dannye’, Meduza.io , 13 June 2017.

Konstantin Voronkov, Aleksei Navalnyi: Groza zhulikov i vorov , Moscow 2012, p. 65.

Voronkov, Aleksei Navalnyi , p. 68.

Per Leander and Alexey Sakhnin, ‘Russia’s Trump’, Jacobin , 11 July 2017.

For versions of this argument, specifically directed against Leander and Sakhnin’s article, see Ilya Budraitskis, Ilya Matveev and Sean Guillory, ‘Not Just an Artifact’, Jacobin , 1 August 2017 and Kirill Medvedev and Oleg Zhuravlev, ‘The Base and Navalnyi: How Can the Left Work with the Anti-Corruption Movement?’, LeftEast , 17 August 2017.

Partiia Progressa, ‘Programma’, 8 February 2014; available at partyprogress.org. The party was originally set up by some of Navalnyi’s followers in 2012 as People’s Alliance, and was renamed in 2014.