Ben Judah - Fragile Empire - How Russia Fell in and Out of Love With Vladimir Putin

Здесь есть возможность читать онлайн «Ben Judah - Fragile Empire - How Russia Fell in and Out of Love With Vladimir Putin» весь текст электронной книги совершенно бесплатно (целиком полную версию без сокращений). В некоторых случаях можно слушать аудио, скачать через торрент в формате fb2 и присутствует краткое содержание. Город: London, Год выпуска: 2013, ISBN: 2013, Издательство: Yale University Press, Жанр: Политика, Публицистика, на английском языке. Описание произведения, (предисловие) а так же отзывы посетителей доступны на портале библиотеки ЛибКат.

Fragile Empire: How Russia Fell in and Out of Love With Vladimir Putin: краткое содержание, описание и аннотация

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From Kaliningrad on the Baltic to the Russian Far East, journalist Ben Judah has travelled throughout Russia and the former Soviet republics, conducting extensive interviews with President Vladimir Putin’s friends, foes, and colleagues, government officials, business tycoons, mobsters, and ordinary Russian citizens.
is the fruit of Judah’s thorough research: a probing assessment of Putin’s rise to power and what it has meant for Russia and her people.
Despite a propaganda program intent on maintaining the cliché of stability, Putin’s regime was suddenly confronted in December 2011 by a highly public protest movement that told a different side of the story. Judah argues that Putinism has brought economic growth to Russia but also weaker institutions, and this contradiction leads to instability. The author explores both Putin’s successes and his failed promises, taking into account the impact of a new middle class and a new generation, the Internet, social activism, and globalization on the president’s impending leadership crisis. Can Russia avoid the crisis of Putinism? Judah offers original and up-to-the-minute answers.
Judah’s dynamic account of the rise (and fall-in-progress) of Russian President Vladimir Putin convincingly addresses just why and how Putin became so popular, and traces the decisions and realizations that seem to be leading to his undoing. The former Reuters Moscow reporter maps Putin’s career and impact on modern Russia through wide-ranging research and has an eye for illuminating and devastating quotes, as when a reporter in dialogue with Putin says, “I lost the feeling that I lived in a free country. I have not started to feel fear.” To which Putin responds, “Did you not think that this was what I was aiming for: that one feeling disappeared, but the other did not appear?” His style, however, feels hurried, an effect of which is occasional losses of narrative clarity. In some cases limited information is available, and his pace-maintaining reliance on euphemistic, metaphorical, and journalistic language can leave readers underserved and confused. Judah is at his best when being very specific, and perhaps the book’s achievement is that it makes comprehensible how Putin got to where he is; those wondering how Putin became and remained so popular will benefit from this sober, well-researched case. (June)
A journalist’s lively, inside account of Russian President Putin’s leadership, his achievements and failures, and the crisis he faces amidst rising corruption, government dysfunction, and growing citizen unrest. From Book Description

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budget balancing price (i)

dependence on oil prices (i)

efficiency gains (i)

GDP and (i)

Khodorkovsky’s plans (i)

prices collapse (i), (ii), (iii)

pushing towards $20 a barrel (i)

statistics (i)

taxation on (i), (ii)

see also Khodorkovsky, Mikhail; Yukos

Oil, Gas and Construction Workers Union (i)

‘old believers’ (i), (ii)

oligarchs

bribing the Duma (i)

consensus imposed (i)

Davos pact (i)

effect of Khodorkovsky’s arrest (i), (ii)

finding a successor to Yeltsin (i)

IMF and (i)

increase in numbers (i)

liberalism and (i)

new wave of Putin era (i)

public opinion of (i)

Putin’s friends become (i)

Putin’s warning to (i)

state seizes assets (i), (ii)

television (i)

Yeltsin’s pact with (i)

see also Berezovsky, Boris; Khodorkovsky, Mikhail

OMON

brutality (i)

Navalny (i)

newborn protest movement and (i)

outnumbering (i)

packing the streets (i)

Prilepin member of (i), (ii)

provincial brigades (i)

Russian Far East (i), (ii)

Strategy-31 and (i)

Omsk (i), (ii), (iii)

Open Russia foundation (i), (ii)

‘Operation Successor’ (i), (ii), (iii)

Oprichniks (i); see also Day of the Oprichnik

Orange Revolution

enemy within (i)

Pavlovsky and (i)

propaganda to counter (i)

protesters in Kiev (i)

Western powers and (i)

youth organisations after (i), (ii)

see also anti-Orange protests

organised crime (i), (ii)

‘Orgkomitet’ (i), (ii)

ORT (i), (ii), (iii)

Orthodox Church; see Russian Orthodox Church

Ostankino TV Tower (i)

Other Russia (i), (ii)

Ottomans (i); see also Turkey

Oxford University (i)

Ozero dacha cooperative (i), (ii), (iii)

Pacific Ocean (i), (ii), (iii), (iv)

Pakistan

Corruption Perceptions Index (i)

life expectancy (i), (ii)

terrorism (i), (ii)

Panfilova, Elena (i)

Papua New Guinea (i), (ii), (iii), (iv)

Parfyonov, Leonid

Bolotnaya (i)

choice to be made (i)

opinion of Navalny (i)

role (i)

television as propaganda (i), (ii)

television awards speech (i)

Paris (i), (ii), (iii), (iv)

Parkhomenko, Sergey (i)

Party of Beer Lovers (i)

Pasternak, Boris (i)

Patriarchs (i)

Patriarch’s Ponds (i)

Patrice Lumumba University (i)

Patrushev, Nikolai (i), (ii), (iii)

Pavlov, Valentin (i)

Pavlovsky, Gleb (i)

birthday of ‘national leader’ (i)

bureaucracy creep (i)

change and concern (i)

creates Putin image (i), (ii)

fired (i)

George Bush (i)

protests comment (i)

quoted (i), (ii), (iii)

Surkov and (i)

system weaknesses (i)

Ukraine (i), (ii)

youth groups (i)

Pearl River Delta (i)

Pelevin, Victor (i), (ii), (iii), (iv)

pensions (i), (ii)

People’s Daily (i)

People’s Liberation Army (i)

Pepsi (i)

perestroika (i), (ii)

Perm (i)

Peru (i)

Peter the Great (i), (ii), (iii), (iv)

Peterhof (i)

Petromed (i)

Petropavlovsk-Kamchatca (i)

Picasso, Pablo (i)

Pikalyovo (i)

Pinochet, Augusto (i), (ii), (iii)

pipelines (i), (ii); see also oil

Playboy (i)

Poklonnaya Hill (i)

Poland (i), (ii), (iii)

Polikanov, Dmitry (i)

Politburo (i), (ii)

‘political technologists’ (i), (ii), (iii)

Politkovskaya, Anna (i), (ii)

Ponomarev, Lev (i), (ii), (iii)

Possessed, The (Fyodor Dostoevsky) (i)

Potanin, Mikhail (i)

poverty

democracy perceived synonymous with (i)

Khodorkovsky and the masses (i)

lower middle class (i)

percentage of population in (i), (ii)

Powell, Jonathan (i)

Prague (i), (ii)

Pretty Woman (i)

Prilepin, Zakhar (i), (ii), (iii)

Primakov, Yevgeny (i), (ii)

Primorsky Partisans (i)

Primorye (i)

privatization (i), (ii)

‘Project South’ (i), (ii)

Prokhorov, Mikhail (i), (ii)

Prospect Sakharova (i), (ii)

protests

2011 (i)

anti-Orange (i)

Bolotnaya (i)

Bychkov (i)

China (i)

Clean Ponds (i)

Federal Law 122 (i)

Kaliningrad (i), (ii)

lacking structure (i)

Navalny’s response (i)

OMON in St Petersburg (i)

Orange (i)

Prospect Sakharova (i)

Strategy-31 (i)

‘train army’ (i)

Vladivostok (i)

Pskov (i)

Pushkin, Alexander (i)

Pussy Riot (i), (ii), (iii), (iv)

Putin, Lyudmila (i), (ii)

Putin, Vladimir

1991, his character (i)

apocalyptic rhetoric (i)

approaches KGB (i), (ii)

authoritarianism (i), (ii)

Berezovsky adopts (i)

Berezovsky destroyed (i)

Beslan (i)

BRIC branding (i)

Chechen leader and (i), (ii)

childhood character (i)

China (i)

corruption sets in (i)

destroying the Duma (i)

dismantling of institutions (i)

early achievements in power (i)

economic policy (i)

faction management (i)

family (i), (ii), (iii)

federalism dismantled (i)

foreign perceptions (i)

forest fires (i)

FSB (i), (ii), (iii)

GDP growth under (i)

industrial Russia’s attitude to (i)

interests (i)

Internet, attitude to (i), (ii)

interviewed (i)

journalists murdered (i)

Kasyanov (i)

KGB’s opinion of (i)

Khodorkovsky and the control of oil (i)

life in Dresden (i), (ii)

links broken by (i)

loyalty to friends (i)

Medvedev anointed (i)

Medvedev’s role vis-à-vis (i), (ii), (iii)

militarization (i)

mindset (i)

Moscow under (i)

Navalny, a comparison (i)

Nemtsov’s reports (i)

NGOs (i)

Nicholas II and (i)

‘Operation Successor’ (i), (ii)

orders ignored (i)

organised crime (i)

parents (i)

personality cult (i)

popularity (i), (ii), (iii)

power base introduced (i)

power personalised (i)

Pussy Riot comment (i)

Pyotr Stolypin, admiration of (i)

reading habits (i)

return to supreme power 2012 (i), (ii), (iii), (iv), (v)

rotation system (i)

ruling till 2024? (i), (ii), (iii), (iv), (v)

Russia, his view of (i)

school (i), (ii)

second Chechen war (i), (ii)

Sobchak’s influence (i), (ii)

social links broken by (i)

solitariness (i)

Solzhenitsyn and (i)

spending spree (i)

St Petersburg (i), (ii)

stake in oil and gas (i)

Surkov’s role (i)

survival, the man and the country (i)

sweeps into power (i)

television, the struggle to control (i), (ii), (iii)

tsar, as (i), (ii), (iii)

Tudor comparison (i), (ii)

Ukraine (i)

Vera Gurevich (teacher) remembers (i)

‘Walking Together’ (i)

watches (i)

wealth of ruling caste (i)

West, attitude to (i)

work ethic (i)

world view (i), (ii)

Yeltsin, the importance of not being (i)

Yeltsin’s legacy (i)

Putin consensus (i)

class and culture wars replace (i), (ii)

comes to an end (i)

prosperity strengthens (i)

sustained protests build (i)

Putin majority (i), (ii)

Qing dynasty (i)

Radchenko, Vladimir (i)

Rakhimov, Murtaza (i)

Rapota, Grigory (i), (ii), (iii), (iv)

Rasputin (Putin’s grandfather serves) (i)

Reagan, Ronald (i)

Red Square (i), (ii), (iii)

regions (i); see also under Moscow

Resin, Vladimir (i)

Rio Grande (i)

Ritsa, Lake (i)

Rogov, Kirill (i)

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