Ben Judah - Fragile Empire - How Russia Fell in and Out of Love With Vladimir Putin

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Fragile Empire: How Russia Fell in and Out of Love With Vladimir Putin: краткое содержание, описание и аннотация

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From Kaliningrad on the Baltic to the Russian Far East, journalist Ben Judah has travelled throughout Russia and the former Soviet republics, conducting extensive interviews with President Vladimir Putin’s friends, foes, and colleagues, government officials, business tycoons, mobsters, and ordinary Russian citizens.
is the fruit of Judah’s thorough research: a probing assessment of Putin’s rise to power and what it has meant for Russia and her people.
Despite a propaganda program intent on maintaining the cliché of stability, Putin’s regime was suddenly confronted in December 2011 by a highly public protest movement that told a different side of the story. Judah argues that Putinism has brought economic growth to Russia but also weaker institutions, and this contradiction leads to instability. The author explores both Putin’s successes and his failed promises, taking into account the impact of a new middle class and a new generation, the Internet, social activism, and globalization on the president’s impending leadership crisis. Can Russia avoid the crisis of Putinism? Judah offers original and up-to-the-minute answers.
Judah’s dynamic account of the rise (and fall-in-progress) of Russian President Vladimir Putin convincingly addresses just why and how Putin became so popular, and traces the decisions and realizations that seem to be leading to his undoing. The former Reuters Moscow reporter maps Putin’s career and impact on modern Russia through wide-ranging research and has an eye for illuminating and devastating quotes, as when a reporter in dialogue with Putin says, “I lost the feeling that I lived in a free country. I have not started to feel fear.” To which Putin responds, “Did you not think that this was what I was aiming for: that one feeling disappeared, but the other did not appear?” His style, however, feels hurried, an effect of which is occasional losses of narrative clarity. In some cases limited information is available, and his pace-maintaining reliance on euphemistic, metaphorical, and journalistic language can leave readers underserved and confused. Judah is at his best when being very specific, and perhaps the book’s achievement is that it makes comprehensible how Putin got to where he is; those wondering how Putin became and remained so popular will benefit from this sober, well-researched case. (June)
A journalist’s lively, inside account of Russian President Putin’s leadership, his achievements and failures, and the crisis he faces amidst rising corruption, government dysfunction, and growing citizen unrest. From Book Description

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65. Goldman Sachs intention with the BRIC report was not to engage in scholarly research but to encourage investment in their emerging markets division. Jim O’Neill, ‘Building Better Global Economic BRICs’, Goldman Sachs Global Economics Paper No. 66, 30 November 2001.

66. It is unclear what measurement of GDP he was referring to. Ben Judah, Jana Kobzova and Nicu Popescu, Dealing with a Post-BRIC Russia (London, 2011), pp. 15–16.

67. ‘Russian Economy Booming’, The Washington Times , 29 October 2007.

68. Ben S. Bernanke, ‘The Great Moderation, Remarks at the Meeting of the Eastern Economic Association’, 20 February 2004; Milton Friedman, ‘Why the American Economy is Depression-proof’, University of Chicago Industrial Relations Center, 1956.

69. Anders Aslund and Andrew Kuchins, The Russian Balance Sheet (Washington DC, 2009), p. 40.

70. Tom Shanker and Mark Landler, ‘Putin Says U.S. Is Undermining Global Security’, The New York Times , 11 February 2011.

71. Tom Shanker, ‘Gates Counters Putin’s Words on U.S. Power’, The New York Times , 11 February 2007.

72. ‘Putin Asked to Follow FDR’s Example’, Kommersant , online English version, 9 February 2007, available at http://www.kommersant.com/p741228/r_500/Putin_Roosevelt_Third_Term/.

73. Doug Struck, ‘Gorbachev Applauds Putin’s Achievements’, The Washington Post , 5 December 2007.

74. Jonathan Powell, The New Machiavelli: How to Wield Power in the Modern World (London, 2010), p. 310.

75. Sergei Markov, ‘Chto biet po demokratii’, 30 September 2006, available at http://dom.viper§son.ru/wind.php?ID=499115&soch=1?17f1fd40.

76. Yury Pavlov, Da Gospodin Prezident (Moscow, 2005)

77. ‘Russian NATO envoy sees “genocide” in South Ossetia’, Reuters , 9 August 2008.

78. William Maudlin, ‘Russia’s Rulers Popularity Declines as Elections Loom’, The Wall Street Journal , 25 August 2011.

Chapter Seven: Servant Medvedev

1. Vladimir Putin, First Person: An Astonishingly Frank Self-Portrait by Russia’s President (London, 2000), p. 202.

2. Valery Panyushkin, 12 Who Don’t Agree: The Battle for Freedom in Putin’s Russia (New York, 2011), p. 235.

3. Daniel Treisman, The Return: Russia’s Journey from Gorbachev to Medvedev (New York, 2011), p. 126.

4. Ibid. Anastasia Ustinova, ‘Medvedev Says He and Putin Have Same Blood, Make Good Team’, Bloomberg , 25 February 2010.

5. Speech at Inauguration Ceremony as President of Russia, 7 May 2008, available at http://archive.kremlin.ru/eng/speeches/2008/05/07/1521_type82912type127286_200295.shtml.

6. Richard Sakwa, ‘Dmitry Medvedev’s Challenge’, OpenDemocracy , 7 May 2008, available at http://www.opendemocracy.net/article/governments/dmitri_medvedev_s_challenge.

7. Katherine Hendley, ‘Who Are the Legal Nihilists in Russia’, Post-Soviet Affairs , April-June 2012.

8. Available at http://eng.da-medvedev.ru/.

9. Maxim Shishkin, ‘Rossiya Vybiraet Ostrovnoyu Taktiku’, Kommersant , 24 January 2008.

10. Ben Judah, Jana Kobzova, Nicu Popescu, Dealing with a post-BRIC Russia (London, 2011), p. 18.

11. Anders Aslund, Sergei Guriev and Andrew Kuchins (eds), Russia after the Global Economic Crisis (Washington DC, 2010), p. 27.

12. Ibid., p. xi.

13. Ibid.

14. Steven Pifer, ‘President Medvedev Rocks at Brookings’, Up Front, Brookings Institution, 15 April 2010, available at http://www.brookings.edu/blogs/up-front/posts/2010/04/15-medvedev-pifer.

15. Konstantin Gaaze and Darya Guseva, ‘Lezte s Meste’, Russky Newsweek , 16 March 2009.

16. Aslund, Guriev and Kuchins (eds), Russia after the Global Economic Crisis , p. xiv.

17. ‘Financial Times Launches Crisis in Capitalism Series’, Financial Times , 9 January 2012, available at http://aboutus.ft.com/2012/01/09/financial-times-launches-capitalism-in-crisis-series/#axzz2As88YIMp.

18. Dmitry Medvedev, ‘Go, Russia!’, 10 September 2010, available at http://eng.kremlin.ru/news/298.

19. Ibid.

20. Ibid.

21. Judah, Kobzova and Popescu, Dealing with a post-BRIC Russia , p. 20.

22. ‘Vse Vzyatki Moskvi’, Bolshoi Gorod , 21 February 2011.

23. ‘Korrupstionnaya Podstavlayushya,’ Kommersant , 1 December 2012. Available at http://www.kommersant.ru/doc/2082860

24. Interview with Russian Embassy, London.

25. ‘Natural catastrophes 2010, Analyses, Assessments, Positions,’ Munich Re Topics Geo , February 2011.

26. ‘Putin, Pikalyovo and The Failure of the Vertical of Power’, United States Embassy Moscow, 15 June 2009. Available at http://wikileaks.org/cable/2009/06/09MOSCOW1562.html.

27. C. J. Chivers, ‘Below Surface U.S. Has Dim View of Putin and Russia’, The New York Times , 1 December 2010.

28. David Hearst, ‘Putin We Have Lost Russia’s Trust’, The Guardian , 12 November 2011.

29. Gleb Pavlovsky, Genialnaya Vlast (Moscow, 2012), p. 48.

30. Vera Kholmogorova and Anastasia Kornya, ‘Medvedev Seeks List of Punished Officials’, The Moscow Times , 23 June 2010.

31. ‘Prezident Dmitri Medvedev Ne Dovolen Arkhaichnoi Sistemoi Upravlenia, Kotoraya, Po Evo Mneniu, Seichas Sushetvuyet V Rossii’, Ekho Moskvy , 7 June 2011, available at http://echo.msk.ru/news/782067-echo.html.

32. ‘Putin Situatziya V Kushchevskoi I Gus Khrustalnom – Proval Pravokhranitelnoi Sistemi’, http://www.vesti.ru/doc.html?id=414405&tid=85093.

33. Valery Zorkin, ‘Konstitutsiya Protiv Kriminala’, Rossiskaya Gazeta , 10 December 2010.

34. Ibid.

35. Ibid.

36. Ibid.

37. Anders Aslund and Andrew Kuchins, The Russian Balance Sheet (Washington DC, 2009), p. 96.

38. Ibid.

39. Mikhail Dmitriev and Daniel Treisman, ‘The Other Russia: Discontent Grows in The Heartland’, Foreign Affairs , September-October 2012.

40. Ibid.

41. Sergei Guriev and Ekaterina Zhuravskaya, ‘Why Russia Is Not South Korea’, Journal of International Affairs , Spring 2010.

42. Adam Balcer and Nikolai Petrov, The Future of Russia: Modernization or Decline (Warsaw, 2012), p. 86.

43. Yulia Fedorovina and Henry Meyer, ‘Putin Cabinet Endorses Deputy Premier’s Son for Farm Bank Job’, Bloomberg , 12 May 2011.

44. Vladimir Milov and Boris Nemtsov, Putin Itogi 10 Let (Moscow, 2010).

45. ‘Son of Rosneft CEO Joins Novatek’, The Moscow Times , January 2010; Vladislav L. Inozemtsev, ‘Neo-Fedualism Explained’, The American Interest , March–April 2011.

46. Rinat Sagdiev, ‘Im Prosto Pozvelo’, Vedomosti , 25 April 2011.

47. Alexandra Odynova, ‘Medvedev Questions Power Vertical’, The Moscow Times , 16 May 2011.

48. Ellen Barry, ‘Satirizing Putin with Boldly Poetic Flair’, The New York Times , 18 November 2011.

49. Available at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-BmnSDoU1Z0.

50. Ibid.

51. Amy Knight, ‘The Concealed Battle To Run Russia’, The New York Review of Books , 13 January 2011.

52. Catherine Belton and Charles Clover, ‘Putin to Return as Russia’s President’, Financial Times , 24 September 2011.

53. Ellen Barry, ‘Putin Once More Moves to Assume Top Job in Russia’, The New York Times , 24 September 2011.

54. Ibid.

55. ‘Putin Denies Russia Has Authoritarian System’, Agence France Presse , 20 December 2012.

Chapter Eight: Navalny and the Evolution of the Opposition

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