Ben Judah - Fragile Empire - How Russia Fell in and Out of Love With Vladimir Putin

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Fragile Empire: How Russia Fell in and Out of Love With Vladimir Putin: краткое содержание, описание и аннотация

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From Kaliningrad on the Baltic to the Russian Far East, journalist Ben Judah has travelled throughout Russia and the former Soviet republics, conducting extensive interviews with President Vladimir Putin’s friends, foes, and colleagues, government officials, business tycoons, mobsters, and ordinary Russian citizens.
is the fruit of Judah’s thorough research: a probing assessment of Putin’s rise to power and what it has meant for Russia and her people.
Despite a propaganda program intent on maintaining the cliché of stability, Putin’s regime was suddenly confronted in December 2011 by a highly public protest movement that told a different side of the story. Judah argues that Putinism has brought economic growth to Russia but also weaker institutions, and this contradiction leads to instability. The author explores both Putin’s successes and his failed promises, taking into account the impact of a new middle class and a new generation, the Internet, social activism, and globalization on the president’s impending leadership crisis. Can Russia avoid the crisis of Putinism? Judah offers original and up-to-the-minute answers.
Judah’s dynamic account of the rise (and fall-in-progress) of Russian President Vladimir Putin convincingly addresses just why and how Putin became so popular, and traces the decisions and realizations that seem to be leading to his undoing. The former Reuters Moscow reporter maps Putin’s career and impact on modern Russia through wide-ranging research and has an eye for illuminating and devastating quotes, as when a reporter in dialogue with Putin says, “I lost the feeling that I lived in a free country. I have not started to feel fear.” To which Putin responds, “Did you not think that this was what I was aiming for: that one feeling disappeared, but the other did not appear?” His style, however, feels hurried, an effect of which is occasional losses of narrative clarity. In some cases limited information is available, and his pace-maintaining reliance on euphemistic, metaphorical, and journalistic language can leave readers underserved and confused. Judah is at his best when being very specific, and perhaps the book’s achievement is that it makes comprehensible how Putin got to where he is; those wondering how Putin became and remained so popular will benefit from this sober, well-researched case. (June)
A journalist’s lively, inside account of Russian President Putin’s leadership, his achievements and failures, and the crisis he faces amidst rising corruption, government dysfunction, and growing citizen unrest. From Book Description

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35. Letter from Karl Marx to Arnold Ruge, Cologne, May 1843. Available at http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1843/letters/43_05-alt.htm.

36. Gleb Pavlovsky, Genialnaya Vlast (Moscow, 2012), p. 7.

Chapter Six: Dizzy with Success

1. Vladimir Sorokin, Journée d’un Opritchnik (Paris, 2008).

2. Andrei Shleifer and Daniel Treisman, ‘A Normal Country: Russia after Communism’, Journal of Economic Perspectives , vol. 19, no. 1 (Winter 2005).

3. Ibid.

4. David Hoffman, The Oligarchs: Wealth and Power in the New Russia (New York, 2002), p. 411.

5. IMF and World Bank Data, available at http://siteresources.worldbank.org/DATASTATISTICS/Resources/GDP_PPP.pdf; http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2011/01/weodata/download.aspx; http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.PP.KD?order=wbapi_data_value_2005+wbapi_data_value+wbapi_data_value-last&sort=desc&page=1.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid.

8. Thane Gustafson, Wheel of Fortune: The Battle for Oil and Power in Russia (London, 2012), p. 360.

9. Ibid.

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid.

12. Charles Clover, ‘Lunch with the FT – Alexander Lebedev’, Financial Times , 27 July 2012.

13. The Economist Pocket World in Figures 2012 Edition , (London, 2011), pp. 50–60.

14. Konstantin Rozhnov, ‘Russia attracts investors despite image’, BBC News , 30 November 2007.

15. Anders Aslund, Sergei Guriev and Andrew Kuchins (eds), Russia after the Global Economic Crisis (Washington DC, 2010) p. 20.

16. Marshall Goldman, Petrostate: Putin, Power and the New Russia (Oxford, 2008), p. 81.

17. Mikhail Dmitriev and Daniel Treisman, ‘The Other Russia: Discontent Grows in the Heartland’, Foreign Affairs , September–October 2010; Aslund, Guriev and Kuchins (eds), Russia after the Global Economic Crisis , p. 12.

18. World Bank. Data, available at http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.PCAP.PP.CD?order=wbapi_data_value_2011+wbapi_data_value+wbapi_data_value-last&sort=asc.

19. Aslund, Guriev and Kuchins (eds), Russia after the Global Economic Crisis , p. 12.

20. ‘Putin’s Russia: Call Back Yesterday’, The Economist , 3 March 2012.

21. Ibid.

22. Ibid.

23. ‘Surkov: Inovatzii Pozvalyat Zarababativat Bolshe’, Vesti , 21 March 2010, available at http://www.vesti.ru/doc.html?id=348412.

24. Gustafson, Wheel of Fortune , p. 4.

25. Ibid.

26. Sergei Belanovsky, Mikhail Dmitriev, Svetlana Mishikhina and Tatyana Omelchuk, Socio-Economic Change And Political Transformation in Russia , (Moscow, 2011), p. 30.

27. Natalia Zubarevich, ‘Four Russias: Rethinking The Post-Soviet Map’, OpenDemocracy , 29 March 2012.

28. ‘Putin’s Russia: Call Back Yesterday’, The Economist , 3 March 2012.

29. Natalia Zubarevich, ‘Four Russias: Rethinking the Post-Soviet Map’, OpenDemocracy , 29 March 2012.

30. Mikhail Dmitriev and Svetlana Misikhina, ‘Good-bye poverty – Russia’s Quiet Social Revoltuion, Baltic Rim Economies , 15 October 2012.

31. Ibid.

32. Sergei Belanovsky, Mikhail Dmitriev, Svetlana Mishikhina and Tatyana Omelchuk, Socio-Economic Change And Political Transformation in Russia , (Moscow, 2011), p. 31.

33. Aslund, Guriev and Kuchins (eds), Russia after the Global Economic Crisis , p. 14.

34. Ibid., p. 15.

35. Mikhail Dmitriev and Alexey Yurataev, Strategia-2010: Itogi Realitastsi 10 Let Sputsya (Moscow, 2010), p. 6.

36. Bruce Etling, Karina Alexanyan, John Kelly, Robert Faris, John Palfrey and Urs Gasser, Public Discourse in the Russian Blogosphere: Mapping RuNet Politics And Mobilization (Cambridge, MA, 2010), p. 17.

37. Ibid., p. 13.

38. Floriana Fossato and John Lloyd with Alexander Verkhovsky, The Web that Failed: How Opposition Politics and Independent Initiatives are Failing on the Internet (Oxford, 2008).

39. Dmitriev and Treisman, ‘The Other Russia’; International Telecommunications Union, Key Global Indicators 2011 , available at http://www.itu.int/ITU-D/ict/statistics/.

40. Ilya Arkhipov and Henry Meyer, ‘Putin Faces Anti-Migrant Tide as Opponents Tap Resentment’, Bloomberg , 7 November 2012; Ben Judah, ‘Russia: A Magnet for Migrants’, Prospect , 20 October 2010.

41. Ibid.

42. Ariel Cohen, ‘Domestic Factors Driving Russian Foreign Policy’, Backgrounder on Russian Eurasia, no. 2084, The Heritage Foundation, 19 November 2007.

43. Tony Wood, ‘Russia Vanishes’, London Review of Books , vol. 34, no. 23, 6 December 2012.

44. Ibid.; Arkhipov and Meyer, ‘Putin Faces Anti-Migrant Tide’.

45. Khristina Narizhnaya, ‘Slave Labor on The Rise in Russia’, GlobalPost , 27 May 2012. Available at http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/regions/europe/russia/120525/slave-labor-the-rise-russia.

46. ‘Rabstvo V Moskve’, Boslhoi Gorod , 31 October 2010, available at http://bg.ru/society/rabstvo_v_moskve-15482/.

47. Available at http://www.patriarchia.ru/db/text/541724.html.

48. Thomas de Waal, ‘Springtime for Patriarchs’, The National Interest , 27 January 2011.

49. Yury Maloveryan, ‘Neschitanie Bogatsva Russkoi Pravoslavnoi Tserkvi’, BBC Russian Service , 30 August 2011.

50. Sophia Kishkovsky, ‘Russia to Return Church Property’, The New York Times , 23 November 2010.

51. Andrei Zolotov, ‘Orthodoxy, Oil, Tabacco and Wine: Do They Mix?’, East-West Church and Ministry Report , vol. 5, no. 1, Winter 1997.

52. John Anderson, ‘Putin and the Russian Orthodox Church: Asymmetric Symphonia’, Columbia Journal of International Affairs , vol. 61, no. 1, Autumn-Winter 2007.

53. Alexey Malashenko and Sergey Filatov, Pravoslavnaya Tserkov Pri Novom Patriarkhe (Moscow, 2012), p. 261. Figures in English in press release available at http://carnegie.ru/publications/?fa=46251.

54. Peter Pomerantsev, ‘Patriarchy Riot’, London Review of Books Blog , 16 August 2012, available at http://www.lrb.co.uk/blog/2012/08/16/peter-pomerantsev/patriarchy-riot/.

55. Michael Schwirtz, ‘$30,000 Watch Vanishes up Church Leader’s Sleeve’, The New York Times , 5 April 2012.

56. Tom Esslemont, ‘Russian Orthodox Church defiant over Pussy Riot trial’, BBC News , 11 August 2012.

57. Sophia Kishovsky, ‘In Russian Chill, Waiting Hours for Touch of the Holy’, The New York Times , 23 November 2011.

58. Ibid.

59. ‘Head of Russian church opposes “mindless copying” of western values’, RT , 28 September 2011.

60. ‘G-8 Interview with Vladimir Putin’, Der Spiegel , 6 April 2007.

61. Gleb Pavlovsky, ‘Privichka K Obozhaniu Voznikla Ranshe’, Novaya Vremya , 26 March 2012.

62. It is extremely hard to measure the scale of protests in both Russia and China due to obvious unreliability of government statistics. However, the Chinese Communist Party’s leading think-tank – the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences – became increasingly alarmed of ‘mass incident’ in its hinterland in the 2000s. These reached over 87,500 a year in 2005. There was not in Putin’s first presidency comparable unrest in Russia. See John Fewsmith, ‘Social Order in the Wake of Financial Crisis’, Hoover Institution, 8 May 2009, available at http://media.hoover.org/sites/default/files/documents/CLM28JF.pdf.

63. Available at http://www.afisha.ru/Afisha7files/File/mediakit/Afisha-mag_mediakit_2011-02_ENG_.pdf.

64. ‘Russia Media: Parfyonov’s Magic Touch’, The Economist , 29 November 2010, available at http://www.economist.com/blogs/easternapproaches/2010/11/russian_media.

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