Roger Moorhouse - The Devils' Alliance - Hitler's Pact with Stalin, 1939-1941

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The Devils' Alliance: Hitler's Pact with Stalin, 1939-1941: краткое содержание, описание и аннотация

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History remembers the Soviets and the Nazis as bitter enemies and ideological rivals, the two mammoth and opposing totalitarian regimes of World War II whose conflict would be the defining and deciding clash of the war. Yet for nearly a third of the conflict’s entire timespan, Hitler and Stalin stood side by side as allies. In
, acclaimed historian Roger Moorhouse explores the causes and implications of the tenuous Nazi-Soviet pact, an unholy covenant whose creation and dissolution were crucial turning points in World War II. Indeed, this riveting chapter of World War II is the key to understanding why the conflict evolved—and ended—the way it did.
Nazism and Bolshevism made unlikely bedfellows, but the brutally efficient joint Nazi-Soviet invasion of Poland in 1939 illustrated the powerful incentives that existed for both sides to set aside their differences. Forged by vain and pompous German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop and his Russian counterpart, the inscrutable and stubborn Vyacheslav Molotov, the Nazi-Soviet pact in August of 1939 briefly unified the two powers. Together, the Germans and Soviets quickly conquered and divvied up central and eastern Europe—Poland, the Baltic States, Finland, and Bessarabia—aiding one another through exchanges of information, blueprints, and prisoners. The human cost was staggering: in Poland alone, the Soviets deported 1.5 million people in 1940, 400,000 of whom would never return. Tens of thousands were also deported from the Baltic States, including almost all of the members of the Estonian parliament. Of the 100,000 civilians deported to Siberia from Bessarabia, barely a third survived.
Nazi and Soviet leaders hoped that a similar quid-pro-quo agreement would also characterize their economic relationship. The Soviet Union would export much-needed raw materials to Germany, while the Germans would provide weapons and technological innovations to their communist counterparts. In reality, however, economic negotiations were fraught from the start, not least because the Soviets, mindful that the Germans were in dire need of raw materials to offset a British blockade, made impossible demands of their ally. Although German-Soviet trade still grew impressively through 1940, it was not enough to convince Hitler that he could rely on the partnership with Moscow, which on the whole was increasingly turbulent and unpredictable.
Fortunately for the Allies, the pact—which seemed to negate any chances of an Allied victory in Europe—was short-lived. Delving into the motivations and forces at work, Moorhouse explores how the partnership soured, ultimately resulting in the surprise June 1941 German invasion of the Soviet Union. With the final dissolution of the pact, the Soviets sided with the Western democracies, a development that changed the course of the war—and which, upon Germany’s defeat, allowed the Soviets to solidify the inroads they had made into Eastern Europe during their ill-starred alliance. Reviled by contemporaries, the Nazi-Soviet Pact would have a similarly baleful afterlife. Though it was torn up by the Nazis and denied or excused as a strategic necessity by the Soviets, its effects and political ramifications proved remarkably persistent. The boundaries of modern eastern and central Europe adhere closely to the hasty divisions made by Ribbentrop and Molotov. Even more importantly, the pact laid the groundwork for Soviet control of Eastern Europe, a power grab that would define the post-war order.
Drawing on memoirs, diaries, and official records from newly opened Soviet archives,
is the authoritative work on one of the seminal episodes of World War II. In his characteristically rich and detailed prose, Moorhouse paints a vivid picture of the pact’s origins and its enduring influence as a crucial turning point, in both the war and in modern history.

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116 170 Lux residents would disappear in this way: “Nachts kamen Stalin’s Häscher,” Der Spiegel 42 (1978).

117 “Marvellous, marvellous!”: Octavio Brandao, quoted in Leonhard, op. cit., 17.

117 “The scene I saw at the bus stop”: Castro Delgado, quoted in ibid., 16.

117 He told himself that “Stalin never errs”: Delgado in ibid., 18.

117 Another Spaniard recalled being “stupefied”: Jesus Hernandez, quoted in ibid., 14.

117 “as though the clock on the Kremlin tower stopped”: Ruth von Mayenburg, Blaues Blut und Rote Fahnen (Vienna: Molden, 1969), 268.

117 “It was actually shameful”: Von Mayenburg, quoted in Leonhard, op. cit., 23.

118 struggled to feed himself for several months: Katerina Clark, Moscow, the Fourth Rome: Stalinism, Cosmopolitanism, and the Evolution of Soviet Culture, 1931–1941 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011), 341.

118 “listened to me absent-mindedly”: Quoted in Alfred Senn, Lithuania 1940: Revolution from Above (New York: Rodopi, 2007), 66n120.

118 “The big treason trials”: Victor Kravchenko, I Chose Freedom (New York: Scribner’s, 1946), 332.

118 “meteorlike across our horizon and crashed headlong”: Ibid., 333.

119 audience sat “bewildered and silent”: Leonhard, op. cit., 54.

119 “The libraries, similarly, were purged”: Kravchenko, op. cit., 334.

119 “The German is a beast!”: Richard Taylor, Film Propaganda: Soviet Russia and Nazi Germany (London: I. B. Tauris, 1998), 89.

119 some 23 million Soviet citizens had already seen: Kyril Anderson, Kremlevskij Kinoteatr, 1928–1953, Dokumenty (Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2005), 539.

120 “Public opinion in our country”: Stalin quoted in Terry Charman, Outbreak 1939: The World Goes to War (London: Virgin, 2009), 52.

120 Eisenstein, meanwhile, was given the chance to redeem himself: Clark, op. cit., 341.

120 “richest legacy of the great German composer”: “Val’kiriia,” Pravda, November 23, 1940, 4.

120 he was otherwise vague and unconvincing: Charles Bohlen, Witness to History, 1929–1969 (New York: Norton, 1973), 89.

120 “For us to have explained our reasons”: Nikita Khrushchev, Khrushchev Remembers (London: André Deutsch, 1971), 112.

120 “They were still the same fascists”: Quoted in Orlando Figes, The Whisperers: Private Life in Stalin’s Russia (London: Allen Lane, 2007), 374.

121 archetypal “strong man,” who “fears no one”: See Sarah Davies, Popular Opinion in Stalin’s Russia: Terror, Propaganda and Dissent, 1934–1941 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 97.

121 “have agreed simply that there should be no leaders”: Ibid., 98.

121 “There they had their own little houses”: Ibid., 99.

121 sentiment even expressed by the Times of London: “The Russo-German Deal,” Times, August 23, 1939, 13.

122 “difficult to reconcile at such short notice”: “Portuguese Anger over Soviet-Nazi Pact,” Times, August 28, 1939, 9; “Hungary Suspends Judgment,” Times, August 23, 1939, 11.

122 “You, Duce,” he wrote: Hugh Gibson, ed., The Ciano Diaries: 1939–1943 (New York: Doubleday, 1946), 125.

122 “The Germans are treacherous and deceitful”: Ibid., 131.

122 saw the pact as a betrayal and tendered his resignation: Documents on German Foreign Policy, 1918–1945, Series D, Vol. VII (Washington, DC, 1956), No. 183, 191.

123 “do nothing to injure our country”: Quoted in Robert Skidelsky, Oswald Mosley (London: Papermac, 1990), 442–443.

123 “Naturally, we closed down on the outbreak of war”: Quoted in West, op. cit., 128.

123 Ramsay’s followers continued leafleting and bill-posting: Richard Griffiths, Patriotism Perverted (London: Constable, 1998), 237.

124 “Non-Aggression Pact with Moscow is a world sensation!”: Elke Fröhlich, ed., Die Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels, Part 1 (Munich: K. G. Saur, 1998), 7:73.

124 “The trip of our minister to Moscow”: Alfred Rosenberg’s diary, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, 267, entry for August 22, 1939 ( www.ushmm.org).

124 Hitler had clearly gone to considerable lengths: TNA, CAB 65/4/22–123–4, Foreign Office Memorandum, November 29, 1939.

124 “I have the feeling,” he wrote: Rosenberg’s diary, op. cit., 277, entry for August 26, 1939.

124 “Stalin and I are the only ones who visualize the future”: Quoted in Hitler’s Obersalzberg speech in Anthony P. Adamthwaite, The Making of the Second World War (London: Allen & Unwin, 1977), 219–220.

125 meant nothing less than the “Finis Germaniae”: Fritz Thyssen, I Paid Hitler (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1941), 47, 56. Although the authenticity of this memoir is disputed, the letters quoted here are considered genuine.

125 “one of the most important turning points”: Völkischer Beobachter, August 25, 1939, 1.

126 So looked forward to a new era of collaboration: Schwarze Korps, August 31, 1939, 3.

126 editorial comments dutifully echoing the Soviet line: Völkischer Beobachter, September 1, 18 and 19, 1939.

126 “Our press is lacking all dignity”: Rosenberg’s diary, op. cit., 269, entry date unclear.

126 page of the Völkischer Beobachter was devoted: Völkischer Beobachter, August 26, 1939, 8; September 3, 1939, 9.

126 “a lot of negative stuff about the English”: Daniil Granin, Zubr (Moscow: Krizhnaia palata, 1989), 125.

126 “still rubbing their eyes”: William Shirer, This Is Berlin: Reporting from Germany, 1938–1940 (London: Hutchinson, 1999), 56.

127 “Everyone beaming with joy”: Karl Neumann, diary entry for August 24, 1939, ref: 1346/1,3, held at Deutsches Tagebucharchiv, Emmendingen.

127 “whether to heave a sigh of relief”: Ruth Andreas-Friedrich, Berlin Underground, 1938–1945 (New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1947), 45.

127 “I just could not believe it”: Rainer Hamm, unpublished memoir, 25, ref: 1815,3, held at Deutsches Tagebucharchiv, Emmendingen.

127 “Machiavelli is a babe in arms in comparison”: Victor Klemperer, I Shall Bear Witness, 1933–1941 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1998), 293.

127 “thunderstruckindignant beyond words”: Hans Gisevius, To the Bitter End (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1947), 364.

128 “Russian colossus” had been “set in motion”: Jürgen Förster, “The German Military’s Image of Russia,” in Russia: War, Peace and Diplomacy , edited by Ljubica Erickson and Mark Erickson (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2005), 122.

128 “he had doubtless expected me to express”: Heinz Guderian, Panzer Leader (London: Michael Joseph, 1952), 84–85.

128 “using Beelzebub to drive away the Devil”: Ulrich von Hassell, The Ulrich von Hassell Diaries, 1938–1944 (London: Frontline Books, 2011), 43, 40.

128 Rosenberg raged in his diary: Rosenberg’s diary, op. cit., 307, entry for October 5, 1939.

128 “growing dissatisfaction and disillusionment”: TNA, War Cabinet memorandum, CAB/66/4/11, December 7, 1939.

128 littered with the discarded party badges: Charman, op. cit., 48–49.

129 “must have appeared to be a rare old muddle”: H. R. Trevor-Roper, ed., Hitler’s Table Talk, 1941–1944 (London: Phoenix, 2000), 481.

130 film was duly banned in September: David Welch, Propaganda and the German Cinema: 1933–1945 (London: I. B. Tauris, 2006), 212.

130 “I Accuse Moscow—the Comintern Plan for World Dictatorship”: Charman, op. cit., 57.

130 the Berlin Philharmonic Orchestra devoted concerts: Erik Levi, Music in the Third Reich (Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 1994), 201–202.

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