Roger Moorhouse - The Devils' Alliance - Hitler's Pact with Stalin, 1939-1941

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History remembers the Soviets and the Nazis as bitter enemies and ideological rivals, the two mammoth and opposing totalitarian regimes of World War II whose conflict would be the defining and deciding clash of the war. Yet for nearly a third of the conflict’s entire timespan, Hitler and Stalin stood side by side as allies. In
, acclaimed historian Roger Moorhouse explores the causes and implications of the tenuous Nazi-Soviet pact, an unholy covenant whose creation and dissolution were crucial turning points in World War II. Indeed, this riveting chapter of World War II is the key to understanding why the conflict evolved—and ended—the way it did.
Nazism and Bolshevism made unlikely bedfellows, but the brutally efficient joint Nazi-Soviet invasion of Poland in 1939 illustrated the powerful incentives that existed for both sides to set aside their differences. Forged by vain and pompous German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop and his Russian counterpart, the inscrutable and stubborn Vyacheslav Molotov, the Nazi-Soviet pact in August of 1939 briefly unified the two powers. Together, the Germans and Soviets quickly conquered and divvied up central and eastern Europe—Poland, the Baltic States, Finland, and Bessarabia—aiding one another through exchanges of information, blueprints, and prisoners. The human cost was staggering: in Poland alone, the Soviets deported 1.5 million people in 1940, 400,000 of whom would never return. Tens of thousands were also deported from the Baltic States, including almost all of the members of the Estonian parliament. Of the 100,000 civilians deported to Siberia from Bessarabia, barely a third survived.
Nazi and Soviet leaders hoped that a similar quid-pro-quo agreement would also characterize their economic relationship. The Soviet Union would export much-needed raw materials to Germany, while the Germans would provide weapons and technological innovations to their communist counterparts. In reality, however, economic negotiations were fraught from the start, not least because the Soviets, mindful that the Germans were in dire need of raw materials to offset a British blockade, made impossible demands of their ally. Although German-Soviet trade still grew impressively through 1940, it was not enough to convince Hitler that he could rely on the partnership with Moscow, which on the whole was increasingly turbulent and unpredictable.
Fortunately for the Allies, the pact—which seemed to negate any chances of an Allied victory in Europe—was short-lived. Delving into the motivations and forces at work, Moorhouse explores how the partnership soured, ultimately resulting in the surprise June 1941 German invasion of the Soviet Union. With the final dissolution of the pact, the Soviets sided with the Western democracies, a development that changed the course of the war—and which, upon Germany’s defeat, allowed the Soviets to solidify the inroads they had made into Eastern Europe during their ill-starred alliance. Reviled by contemporaries, the Nazi-Soviet Pact would have a similarly baleful afterlife. Though it was torn up by the Nazis and denied or excused as a strategic necessity by the Soviets, its effects and political ramifications proved remarkably persistent. The boundaries of modern eastern and central Europe adhere closely to the hasty divisions made by Ribbentrop and Molotov. Even more importantly, the pact laid the groundwork for Soviet control of Eastern Europe, a power grab that would define the post-war order.
Drawing on memoirs, diaries, and official records from newly opened Soviet archives,
is the authoritative work on one of the seminal episodes of World War II. In his characteristically rich and detailed prose, Moorhouse paints a vivid picture of the pact’s origins and its enduring influence as a crucial turning point, in both the war and in modern history.

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84 Red Army was already preparing its invasion: Ibid., 322–329; Senn, op. cit., 93.

85 picked up by a Soviet submarine: The Masļenki and Kaleva incidents are reported in German diplomatic sources: DGFP, Series D, Vol. IX (Washington, DC, 1956), Docs. 439 and 458, pp. 574–575, 589.

85 “splendid success of the German armed forces”: Gabriel Gorodetsky, Grand Delusion: Stalin and the German Invasion of Russia (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999), 25.

85 “I will stay in my place, you stay in yours”: Quoted in Sandra Kalniete, With Dance Shoes in Siberian Snows (Riga: Latvijas Okupācijas muzeja biedrība, 2006), 43.

85 “We, the Latvians, built ourselves a brand new house”: The original is at the Museum of Occupations, Riga: http://www.e-okupacijasmuzejs.lv/#!/lv/eksponats/0328.

85 he turned his trousers up to do so: DGFP, Series D, Vol. IX., op. cit., Doc. 533, 688.

86 “You must take a good look at reality”: Quoted in Misiunas and Taagepera, op. cit., 25–26.

86 did not want to participate in the burial of Lithuanian independence: V. Stanley Vardys, “The Baltic States Under Stalin: The First Experiences, 1940–41,” in The Soviet Takeover of the Polish Eastern Provinces, 1939–41 , edited by Keith Sword (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 1991), 277.

86 “Only enemies of the people stay at home on election day”: Misiunas and Taagepera, op. cit., 27.

86 97.2 percent of voters in Latvia: Figures from the Museum of Occupation, Riga, Latvia, October 9, 2012.

86 estimated at barely 16 percent: Figures quoted in Vardys, in Sword, op. cit., 278; Misiunas and Taagepera, op. cit., 28n28.

87 “great triumph” for the Baltic peoples: Khrushchev, op. cit., 131.

87 Estonian population would have asked to be resettled: Misiunas and Taagepera, op. cit., 41; Lumans, Auxiliaries, op. cit., 170.

87 “are the concern of Russia and the Baltic States”: DGFP, Series D, Vol. IX, op. cit., Doc. 465, 595–596.

88 “in a friendly manner”: DGFP, Series D, Vol. X, Doc. 219, 286.

88 “burst into tears and could not recover”: DGFP, Series D, Vol. IX, op. cit., Doc. 451, 583.

88 “Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia transferred”: Elke Fröhlich, ed., Die Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels, Part 1 (Munich: K. G. Saur, 1998), 8:233, entry for July 23, 1940.

88 “the rule of reason, of justice and of law”: John Hiden, Vahur Made, and David J. Smith, eds., The Baltic Question During the Cold War (London: Routledge, 2008), 39.

88 “The US government,” Welles explained: Quoted in Dennis J. Dunn, Caught Between Roosevelt and Stalin (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1997), 118; the Sumner Welles text is displayed in the Museum of Occupation, Riga.

89 “Bessarabia must be snatched”: Florin Constantiniu, O istorie sincera a poporului român (Bucharest: Univers Enciclopedic, 2008), 361.

89 reiterating the “political disinterest”: Nicholas Constantinesco, Romania in Harm’s Way, 1939–1941 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 136.

89 Northern Bukovina was to be transferred to Soviet control: Quoted in Jane Degras, ed., Soviet Documents on Foreign Policy (New York: Octagon Books, 1953), 3:458–459.

89 “Curse us all if we don’t fight!”: Quoted in Constantiniu, op. cit., 364.

90 “In order to avoid the serious consequences”: Constantinesco, op. cit., 149.

90 “you had the feeling that hell was upon the earth”: Quoted in Ioan Scurtu and Constantin Hlihor, Anul 1940: drama românilor dintre Prut si Nistru (Bucharest: Academiei de inalte studii militare, 1992), 85.

90 “Churches rang their bells”: Quoted in Dinu Giurescu, Romania in the Second World War (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), 24.

90 he wanted to greet the soldiers personally “with flowers”: Lyn Smith, ed., Forgotten Voices of the Holocaust (London: Ebury Press, 2006), 91.

90 supposedly greeted as a returning hero: Khrushchev, op. cit., 145.

90 the annexations of that summer: Quoted in Degras, op. cit., 465.

91 their annexation caused a “deep-seated resentment”: Quoted in Constantinesco, op. cit., 150.

91 11 out of 12 mayors of principal cities: Misiunas and Taagepera, op. cit., 25.

91 arbitrary arrest and services disrupted by “atheist brigades”: On the Sovietization of the Baltic States , see ibid., 25–40.

91 jaunty marches incessantly played by Red Army bands: Kalniete, op cit., 47.

92 fifty-one of the fifty-three former ministers of the Estonian government: Peep Varju, “The Destruction of the Estonian Political Elite During the Soviet Occupation,” in History Conference of the Estonian Memento Association (Tallinn, 2007), 33.

92 the sole exception being social affairs minister Alfrēds Bērziņš: Museum of Occupation, Riga, Latvia.

92 deemed to be a potential threat: Leonas Sabaliūnas, Lithuania in Crisis: Nationalism to Communism, 1939–1940 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1973), 204.

92 He was tortured to death in Kaunas prison: Bronis J. Kaslas, “The Lithuanian Strip in Soviet-German Secret Diplomacy, 1939–1941,” Journal of Baltic Studies 4, no. 3 (1973): 217.

92 morally perhaps, he still was: Alan Palmer, Northern Shores (London: John Murray, 2005), 343.

93 “Commanders of battalions, companies and some platoons”: Quoted in Joseph Pajaujis-Javis, Soviet Genocide in Lithuania (New York: Manyland Books, 1980), 36.

93 “A quick death would have been”: Testimony of Arvīds Lasmanis, quoted in Astrid Sics, ed., We Sang Through Tears: Stories of Survival in Siberia (Riga: Janis Roze, 1999), 140.

93 fellows would survive the experience: Vieda Skultans, The Testimony of Lives: Narrative and Memory in Post-Soviet Latvia (London: Routledge, 1998), 188.

93 over 7,000 persons in Estonia: Figures quoted in Hiio, Maripuu, and Paavle, op. cit., 328; Artis Pabriks and Aldis Purs, Latvia: The Challenges of Change (London: Routledge, 2013), 27; Vardys in Sword, op. cit., 286.

93 some 48,000 are thought to have been arrested: Ion Constantin and Valeriu Florin Dobrinescu, Basarabia în anii celui de al doilea război mondial: (1939–1947) (Iaşi, RO: Institutul European, 1995), 215.

94 “NKVD official Sokolov began talking”: Pajaujis-Javis, op. cit., 27.

94 lapel ribbons in the Estonian national colors: T. Hiio, M. Maripuu, and I. Paavle, eds., Estonia, 1940–45: Reports of the Estonian Commission for the Investigation of Crimes Against Humanity (Tallinn, 2006), 309.

94 His precise fate is unknown: Ibid., 312.

94 Already frail, Baltagă did not survive: Andrei Brezianu and Vlad Spânu, Historical Dictionary of Moldova (London: Scarecrow Press, 2007), 46–47.

95 “You are charged under Section 58”: Menachem Begin, White Nights (New York: Harper & Row, 1977), 81.

96 he could do nothing but seethe: Anthony Read and David Fisher, The Deadly Embrace (London: M. Joseph, 1988), 488.

96 looming clash of interests: Gorodetsky, op. cit., 33.

96 “the first Russian attack on Western Europe”: Read and Fisher, op. cit., 489.

96 “King Carol is a coward”: Fröhlich, op. cit., 196–197, 205.

99 “perhaps we will be forced to take steps”: Taylor, op. cit., 124.

CHAPTER 4

99 attending a party meeting in Liverpool: John Mahon, Harry Pollitt: A Biography (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1978), 116.

100 it stemmed from a deep emotional commitment: Kevin Morgan, Harry Pollitt (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1993), 96.

100 “a victory for peace and socialism”: The Daily Worker , August 23, 1939, 3.

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