Roger Moorhouse - The Devils' Alliance - Hitler's Pact with Stalin, 1939-1941

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History remembers the Soviets and the Nazis as bitter enemies and ideological rivals, the two mammoth and opposing totalitarian regimes of World War II whose conflict would be the defining and deciding clash of the war. Yet for nearly a third of the conflict’s entire timespan, Hitler and Stalin stood side by side as allies. In
, acclaimed historian Roger Moorhouse explores the causes and implications of the tenuous Nazi-Soviet pact, an unholy covenant whose creation and dissolution were crucial turning points in World War II. Indeed, this riveting chapter of World War II is the key to understanding why the conflict evolved—and ended—the way it did.
Nazism and Bolshevism made unlikely bedfellows, but the brutally efficient joint Nazi-Soviet invasion of Poland in 1939 illustrated the powerful incentives that existed for both sides to set aside their differences. Forged by vain and pompous German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop and his Russian counterpart, the inscrutable and stubborn Vyacheslav Molotov, the Nazi-Soviet pact in August of 1939 briefly unified the two powers. Together, the Germans and Soviets quickly conquered and divvied up central and eastern Europe—Poland, the Baltic States, Finland, and Bessarabia—aiding one another through exchanges of information, blueprints, and prisoners. The human cost was staggering: in Poland alone, the Soviets deported 1.5 million people in 1940, 400,000 of whom would never return. Tens of thousands were also deported from the Baltic States, including almost all of the members of the Estonian parliament. Of the 100,000 civilians deported to Siberia from Bessarabia, barely a third survived.
Nazi and Soviet leaders hoped that a similar quid-pro-quo agreement would also characterize their economic relationship. The Soviet Union would export much-needed raw materials to Germany, while the Germans would provide weapons and technological innovations to their communist counterparts. In reality, however, economic negotiations were fraught from the start, not least because the Soviets, mindful that the Germans were in dire need of raw materials to offset a British blockade, made impossible demands of their ally. Although German-Soviet trade still grew impressively through 1940, it was not enough to convince Hitler that he could rely on the partnership with Moscow, which on the whole was increasingly turbulent and unpredictable.
Fortunately for the Allies, the pact—which seemed to negate any chances of an Allied victory in Europe—was short-lived. Delving into the motivations and forces at work, Moorhouse explores how the partnership soured, ultimately resulting in the surprise June 1941 German invasion of the Soviet Union. With the final dissolution of the pact, the Soviets sided with the Western democracies, a development that changed the course of the war—and which, upon Germany’s defeat, allowed the Soviets to solidify the inroads they had made into Eastern Europe during their ill-starred alliance. Reviled by contemporaries, the Nazi-Soviet Pact would have a similarly baleful afterlife. Though it was torn up by the Nazis and denied or excused as a strategic necessity by the Soviets, its effects and political ramifications proved remarkably persistent. The boundaries of modern eastern and central Europe adhere closely to the hasty divisions made by Ribbentrop and Molotov. Even more importantly, the pact laid the groundwork for Soviet control of Eastern Europe, a power grab that would define the post-war order.
Drawing on memoirs, diaries, and official records from newly opened Soviet archives,
is the authoritative work on one of the seminal episodes of World War II. In his characteristically rich and detailed prose, Moorhouse paints a vivid picture of the pact’s origins and its enduring influence as a crucial turning point, in both the war and in modern history.

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100 a new “party line” had quickly crystallized: Ivo Banac, ed., The Diary of Georgi Dimitrov , 1933–1949 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003), 114.

100 calling for a “two-front war” against Hitler: The Daily Worker , September 2, 1939, 3.

100 “The Communist Party supports the war”: Harry Pollitt, “How to Win the War” (London: CPGB, 1939), passim.

101 “The Soviet leaders had a responsibility”: Douglas Hyde, I Believed (London: Heinemann, 1950), 68.

101 “a bombshell: We just did not know what to do”: Quoted in Nigel Jones, Through a Glass Darkly: The Life of Patrick Hamilton (London: Abacus, 1991), 219.

101 “one of the finest things”: Francis King and George Matthews, eds., About Turn: The British Communist Party and the Second World War (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1990), 91.

102 “Communist Parties which acted contrary to these tactics”: Quoted in ibid., 69–70.

102 The party had “failed to understand”: Ibid., 73–77 passim.

102 “the Party is now on trial”: Ibid., 86–87.

103 “more unscrupulous and opportunist speech”: Ibid., 91–93 passim.

103 So he declared his resignation: Ibid., 197–209 passim.

104 Ten days later, the Times reported: “Communist Split,” Times , October 12, 1939, 10.

104 it became the duty of every Communist Party: Fridrikh I. Firsov, Harvey Klehr, and John Earl Haynes, Secret Cables of the Comintern , 1933–1943 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2014), 146.

105 “complete destruction of left-wing orthodoxy”: George Orwell, “London Letter,” January 3, 1941, in Orwell and Politics , edited by Peter Davison (London: Penguin, 2001), 101–102.

105 “would be the end of Germany”: Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf (London: Hurst & Blackett, 1939), 538.

106 war was “not the war we had expected”: Eric Hobsbawm, Interesting Times (London: Allen Lane, 2002), 153.

106 “No wonder Stalin prefers to keep his 170 million”: Norman and Jeanne Mackenzie, eds., “The Wheel of Life,” in The Diaries of Beatrice Webb (London: Virago, 1985), 4:438–440.

106 “the blackest tragedy in human history”: Ibid., 441.

107 “knocking the bottom out”: Dorothy Sheridan, ed., Among You Taking Notes: The Wartime Diary of Naomi Mitchison , 1939–1945 (London: Gollancz, 1985), 40.

107 “Bugger Uncle Joe, bugger Molotov”: Quoted in Hyde, op. cit., 69.

107 “they will have to suffer for it”: Mackenzie and Mackenzie, op. cit., 444–445.

107 “spat upon and assaulted in the streets”: Hyde, op. cit., 71.

107 newer recruits and the less ideologically convinced becoming disillusioned: James Eaden and David Renton, The Communist Party of Great Britain Since 1920 (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 75.

107 “inter-Imperialist aspect of the struggle”: Quoted in Angus Calder, The Myth of the Blitz (London: Pimlico, 1991), 79.

108 “You regarded Hitler-fascist aggression”: Victor Gollancz, Where Are You Going? (London: Gollancz, 1940), 1–2.

108 “running the terrible risk”: Ibid., 30.

108 Moscow-sponsored opposition to American entry: Robert Gellately, Lenin, Stalin and Hitler: The Age of Social Catastrophe (London: Jonathan Cape, 2007), 359.

109 “redeeming more than half of Poland”: Earl Browder, Whose War Is It? (New York: Workers Library, 1939), 7–8, 13.

109 new memberships virtually collapsing in 1940: Fraser Ottanelli, The Communist Party of the United States (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1991), 198.

109 temporarily disappeared from the political stage: James G. Ryan, Earl Browder: The Failure of American Communism (Tuscaloosa, AL: University of Alabama Press, 1997), 182.

109 still saw themselves broadly as socialists: See George Watson, “Hitler and the Socialist Dream,” Independent on Sunday, November 22, 1998, http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/hitler-and-the-socialist-dream-1186455.html.

110 Stalin “has a contempt for all arguments”: Kingsley Martin, “The Man of Steel,” New Statesman and Nation , December 9, 1939.

110 “effete liberalism of the pluto-democracies”: Henry Brailsford, quoted in George Watson, “The Eye-Opener of 1939,” History Today (August 2004): 51.

110 “friendship” in whose name he had committed treason: Nigel West, MI5: British Security Service Operations, 1909–1945 (London: Bodley Head, 1981), 254–255.

110 “new success of the Soviet Union”: From a declaration of the French Bureau Politique, quoted in Edward Mortimer, The Rise of the French Communist Party , 1920–1947 (London: Faber & Faber, 1984), 281.

111 “resounded like a thunderclap”: Adam Rajsky, Nos Illusions Perdues (Paris, 1985), 64; English text from Wolfgang Leonhard, Betrayal: The Hitler-Stalin Pact of 1939 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1989), 110–111.

111 “extraordinary discipline, unique in the history of humanity”: François Furet, quoted in Gellately, op. cit., 358.

111 A group of dissidents even made a public appeal: Leonhard, op. cit., 115.

112 “imperialists of London and Paris”: Mortimer, op. cit., 292.

112 “blow for peace”: Quoted in Allan Merson, Communist Resistance in Nazi Germany (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1985), 213.

112 Mein Kampf would be withdrawn from publication: Illustrated by contemporary reports on German public opinion in Heinz Boberach, ed., Meldungen aus dem Reich: 1938–1945 (Herrsching, DE: Pawlak, 1984), 400, 415, 365.

113 declaring the pact to be a “diplomatic success”: Erich Honecker, From My Life (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1981), 102.

113 “How could Stalin do that to us?”: Leonhard, op. cit., 96–97.

113 could not find enough milk and sugar: Egbert Krispyn, Anti-Nazi Writers in Exile (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2010), 72.

113 “I do not think one can say more”: Quoted in Klaus Völker, Brecht: A Biography (New York: Seabury Press, 1979), 265.

113 “the stripping of ideological pretences”: Brecht journal entry for September 18, 1939, quoted in John Willett, Brecht in Context (London: Methuen, 1984), 193.

114 “the troubler of this poor world’s peace”: Bertolt Brecht, The Resistible Rise of Arturo Ui (London: Methuen, 2013), 7, 59.

114 “a lurking suspicion of the similarities”: Katharine Hodgson, “The Soviet Union in the Svendborg Poems,” in Brecht’s Poetry of Political Exile , edited by Ronald Spiers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 79.

114 “there was no fundamental difference between the two”: Quoted in Horst Duhnke, Die KPD von 1933 bis 1945 (Cologne, DE: Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1972), 343.

115 “strongest guarantee” for the hindrance: Quoted in Gollancz, op. cit., 30–35.

115 “starve Germany and extend the conflict”: Quoted in Duhnke, op. cit., 345.

115 “the baleful politics of the ruling classes”: Rote Fahne, “Macht Front gegen die imperialistischen Bestrebungen!” June 1940, reproduced in Margot Pikarski and Günter Uebel, Der Antifaschistische Widerstandskampf der KPD in Spiegel des Flugblattes, 1933–1945 (Berlin: Dietz, 1978).

116 Arrests followed a similar pattern: Statistics quoted in Detlef Peukert, Die KPD im Widerstand (Wuppertal, DE: Hammer Verlag, 1980), 333n.

116 “no longer speak of organised resistance”: Boberach, op. cit., 1305.

116 “the most shameful of Hitler’s accomplices”: H. R. Trevor-Roper, in his foreword to Terence Prittie, Germans Against Hitler (London: Hutchinson, 1964), 13.

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