Roger Moorhouse - The Devils' Alliance - Hitler's Pact with Stalin, 1939-1941

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History remembers the Soviets and the Nazis as bitter enemies and ideological rivals, the two mammoth and opposing totalitarian regimes of World War II whose conflict would be the defining and deciding clash of the war. Yet for nearly a third of the conflict’s entire timespan, Hitler and Stalin stood side by side as allies. In
, acclaimed historian Roger Moorhouse explores the causes and implications of the tenuous Nazi-Soviet pact, an unholy covenant whose creation and dissolution were crucial turning points in World War II. Indeed, this riveting chapter of World War II is the key to understanding why the conflict evolved—and ended—the way it did.
Nazism and Bolshevism made unlikely bedfellows, but the brutally efficient joint Nazi-Soviet invasion of Poland in 1939 illustrated the powerful incentives that existed for both sides to set aside their differences. Forged by vain and pompous German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop and his Russian counterpart, the inscrutable and stubborn Vyacheslav Molotov, the Nazi-Soviet pact in August of 1939 briefly unified the two powers. Together, the Germans and Soviets quickly conquered and divvied up central and eastern Europe—Poland, the Baltic States, Finland, and Bessarabia—aiding one another through exchanges of information, blueprints, and prisoners. The human cost was staggering: in Poland alone, the Soviets deported 1.5 million people in 1940, 400,000 of whom would never return. Tens of thousands were also deported from the Baltic States, including almost all of the members of the Estonian parliament. Of the 100,000 civilians deported to Siberia from Bessarabia, barely a third survived.
Nazi and Soviet leaders hoped that a similar quid-pro-quo agreement would also characterize their economic relationship. The Soviet Union would export much-needed raw materials to Germany, while the Germans would provide weapons and technological innovations to their communist counterparts. In reality, however, economic negotiations were fraught from the start, not least because the Soviets, mindful that the Germans were in dire need of raw materials to offset a British blockade, made impossible demands of their ally. Although German-Soviet trade still grew impressively through 1940, it was not enough to convince Hitler that he could rely on the partnership with Moscow, which on the whole was increasingly turbulent and unpredictable.
Fortunately for the Allies, the pact—which seemed to negate any chances of an Allied victory in Europe—was short-lived. Delving into the motivations and forces at work, Moorhouse explores how the partnership soured, ultimately resulting in the surprise June 1941 German invasion of the Soviet Union. With the final dissolution of the pact, the Soviets sided with the Western democracies, a development that changed the course of the war—and which, upon Germany’s defeat, allowed the Soviets to solidify the inroads they had made into Eastern Europe during their ill-starred alliance. Reviled by contemporaries, the Nazi-Soviet Pact would have a similarly baleful afterlife. Though it was torn up by the Nazis and denied or excused as a strategic necessity by the Soviets, its effects and political ramifications proved remarkably persistent. The boundaries of modern eastern and central Europe adhere closely to the hasty divisions made by Ribbentrop and Molotov. Even more importantly, the pact laid the groundwork for Soviet control of Eastern Europe, a power grab that would define the post-war order.
Drawing on memoirs, diaries, and official records from newly opened Soviet archives,
is the authoritative work on one of the seminal episodes of World War II. In his characteristically rich and detailed prose, Moorhouse paints a vivid picture of the pact’s origins and its enduring influence as a crucial turning point, in both the war and in modern history.

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36 Soviet dishonesty and the blatant violation of international law: Tomasz Piesakowski, The Fate of Poles in the USSR, 1939–1989 (London: Gryf, 1990), 36.

36 Did anyone question Russia’s existence: Olaf Groehler, Selbstmörderische Allianz: Deutsch-russische Militärbeziehungen, 1920–1941 (Berlin: Vision Verlag, 1992), 116.

36 he was never seen again: David G. Williamson, Poland Betrayed: The Nazi-Soviet Invasions 1939 (Barnsley, UK: Pen & Sword, 2009), 119.

36 to meet the German invasion: Jan Gross, Revolution from Abroad (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), 21–23.

36 “Two men shined flashlights in our eyes”: Janusz Bardach, Man Is Wolf to Man (London: Simon & Schuster, 1998), 19.

37 large banner reading, “We Welcome You”: Jan Gross, Neighbours (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), 43.

37 “We ought to recognise in Russian Bolshevism”: Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf (London: Hurst & Blackett, 1939), 539.

38 forty armed clashes between the Poles and the Soviets: Groehler, op. cit., 136.

38 routed a Red Army infantry division in the process: Williamson, op. cit., 123.

38 executed by the Red Army upon capture: Piesakowski, op. cit., 38. See also the case file of the Institute of National Remembrance, Warsaw, available at http://www.ipn.gov.pl.

38 after their surrender and led away for execution: Halik Kochanski, The Eagle Unbowed: Poland and the Poles in the Second World War (London: Allen Lane, 2012), 80.

38 he would not survive German captivity: Richard Hargreaves, Blitzkrieg Unleashed: The German Invasion of Poland, 1939 (Barnsley, UK: Pen & Sword, 2008), 263–264.

39 maintain a twenty-five-kilometer distance: Groehler, op. cit., 121.

39 broadcast from Minsk to aid Luftwaffe navigation: Gross, Revolution, op. cit., 10.

39 collaborated in their neutralization: See Sergej Slutsch, “17. September 1939: Der Eintritt der Sowjetunion in den Zweiten Weltkrieg,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 48 (2000): 228–230.

39 “Hardly had they laid down their arms”: F. B. Czarnomski, quoted in Williamson, op. cit., 126.

39 “Germanski und Bolsheviki zusammen stark”: Hargreaves, op. cit., 201.

39 “In order to prevent any kind of groundless rumours”: Izvestia, September 20, 1939, 1.

40 “You and I are smoking Polish cigarettes”: Quoted in Slutsch, op. cit., 231. Translated by the author.

40 like being in a “circle of old comrades”: Quoted in Robert Conquest, Stalin: Breaker of Nations (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1991), 224.

40 “should Germany unexpectedly get into difficulties”: Gustav Hilger’s reminiscences quoted in Ingeborg Fleischhauer, “Der Deutsch-Sowjetische Grenz-und Freundschaftsvertrag vom 28. September 1939,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 39 (1991): 458.

40 77,720 square miles and 12 million inhabitants: Kochanski, op. cit., 96.

44 “Is my signature clear enough for you?”: Andor Hencke, quoted in Laurence Rees, World War Two Behind Closed Doors: Stalin, the Nazis and the West (London: BBC Books, 2008), 33.

41 firing squads of the Einsatzgruppen and local ethnic German militias: See Browning, Origins, op. cit., 31–33.

41 50,000 Polish deaths in that first autumn and winter: Alexander B. Rossino, Hitler Strikes Poland: Blitzkrieg, Ideology and Atrocity (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2003), 234.

42 AB Aktion cost around 6,000 lives: On the AB Aktion, see Timothy Snyder, Bloodlands (London: Bodley Head, 2010), 146–150.

43 branded a supporter of fascism: Keith Sword, “The Mass Movement of Poles to the USSR, 1939–41,” in Deportation and Exile: Poles in the Soviet Union, 1939–48 , Keith Sword (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 1994), 6–8.

44 never saw his family again: Author interview with Mr. Czesław Wojciechowski, London, September 8, 2011.

44 half of whom were sent to the Gulag: Grzegorz Hryciuk, “Victims, 1939–1941: The Soviet Repressions in Eastern Poland,” in Shared History, Divided Memory: Jews and Others in Soviet-Occupied Poland, 1939–1941 , edited by E. Barkan, E. Cole, and K. Struve. Leipziger Beiträge zur Jüdischen Geschichte und Kultur (Leipzig, DE: Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 2007), 182–183.

44 “I couldn’t tell the difference”: Quoted in Jan Tomasz Gross, “The Sovietisation of Western Ukraine and Western Byelorussia,” in J ews in Eastern Poland and the USSR, 1939–46 , edited by Norman Davies and Antony Polonski (London: Macmillan, 1990), 72.

44 “Nie wiadomo kiedy wrócę do domu”: Niall Ferguson, The War of the World (London: Allen Lane, 2006), 418. In truth, it is the acronym of its name: Narodnyy Komissariat Vnutrennikh Del (People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs).

45 “the supreme punishment: shooting”: Quoted in Anna Cienciala, Natalia Lebedeva, and Wojciech Materski, eds., Katyn: A Crime Without Punishment (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 120.

45 “There was not the slightest suspicion”: Stanisław Swianiewicz, quoted in Allen Paul, Katyn, Stalin’s Massacre and the Triumph of Truth (DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois University Press, 2010), 107.

45 “We have been brought somewhere to a forest”: Quoted in J. K. Zawodny, Death in the Forest (London: Macmillan, 1971), 110.

45 prevent being sullied by his victims’ blood: Snyder, op. cit., 137.

45 limed to speed decomposition: On the methods employed at the various Katyn sites, see Cienciala, Lebedeva, and Materski, op. cit., 122–136.

45 and 1 woman, Janina Lewandowska: Figures quoted in ibid., 168.

46 “I die for the fatherland with a smile on my lips”: Snyder, op. cit., 149–150.

46 400,000 Poles had already been deported: Phillip T. Rutherford, Prelude to the Final Solution: The Nazi Program for Deporting Ethnic Poles, 1939–1941 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2007), 211.

46 “The flat must be swept”: Mrs. J. K., quoted in Mark Mazower, Hitler’s Empire: Nazi Rule in Occupied Europe (London: Allen Lane, 2008), 82.

47 “Not all the deported persons”: Browning, Origins , op. cit., 51.

47 “then the forests of Poland would not suffice”: Hans Frank, Das Diensttagebuch des deutschen Generalgouverneurs in Polen 1939–1945 (Stuttgart, DE: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1975), 104.

47 requisite numbers of workers had “volunteered”: Quoted in Mark Spoerer, Zwangsarbeit unter dem Hakenkreuz (Stuttgart, DE: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2001), 48.

47 laborers were already working in Germany: Ulrich Herbert, Hitler’s Foreign Workers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 84.

48 “treated worse than dogs”: Berliner Geschichtswerkstatt, ed., Zwangsarbeit in Berlin 1940–1945 (Berlin: Sutton Verlag, 2000), 74.

48 Soviet zone had not yet even been established: Robert Gerwarth, Hit ler’s Hangman: The Life of Heydrich (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2011), 143.

48 told to “go to Russia”: Christopher Browning, Remembering Survival (New York: Norton, 2010), 26.

48 ordered to march east and not to return: Gerwarth, op. cit., 158.

48 encourage them on their way: Schulenburg telegram to Foreign Office, Berlin, December 17, 1939, quoted in Hans Schafranek, Zwischen NKWD und Gestapo (Frankfurt am Main, DE: ISP-Verlag, 1990), 62.

48 “Thousands of young people went to Bolshevik Russia”: Chaim Kaplan diary quoted in Saul Friedländer, The Years of Extermination: Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1939–1945 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2007), 45.

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