Пер Рудлинг - ОУН и УПА - исследования о создании исторических мифов. Сборник статей

Фашистские элементы ОУН-б попали под более пристальное внимание ОУН-б членов в их противостоянии с Восточной Украиной. Евгений Стахив, который в 1941 году принимал участие в одной из «целевых групп», которые шли из генерал-губернаторства в Восточную Украину, чтобы мобилизовать массы для «Украинской Национальной Революции», вскоре понял, что восточные украинцы весьма скептически настроены и характеризовались устойчивостью к ОУН-б и её планам к созданию Украинского государства. Стахив признал, что нельзя было победить их. Следовательно, по его словам, он начал понимать, фашистские, авторитарные и антидемократические стороны ОУН-б [569].

Wernigeroder Str. 17

10589 Berlin, Germany rossolinski@web.de would like to thank Michal Mlynarz, Lida Somchynsky, Per Anders Rudling, and John-Paul Himka for their assistance while I was preparing this article

Из резолюции Европейского парламента «О ситуации в Украине» от 25 февраля 2012 года.

See, for instance, David R. Marples, Heroes and Villains: Creating National History in Contemporary Ukraine (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2007); Johan Dietsch, Making Sense of Suffering: Holocaust and Holodomor in Ukrainian Historical Culture (Lund: Lund University Press, 2006); Olena Radziwi"", “Viina za viinu: Druha svitova viina ta Velyka vitchyzniana viina u shkil’nykh pidruchnykakh z istorii Ukrainy (1969–2007),” paper presented at “World War II and the (Re)Creation of Historical Memory in Contemporary Ukraine, An International Conference,” Kyiv, Ukraine, September 24, 2009.

On this topic, see Franziska Bruder’s pioneering study, “Den ukrainischen Staat erkämpfen odersterben!”: Die Organisation Ukrainischer Nationalisten (OUN), 1928–1948 (Berlin: Metropol Verlag, 2007), 23.

Armstrong writes that “the theory and the teachings of the nationalists were very close to fascism, and in some respects, such as the insistence on ‘racial purity,’ even went beyond the original fascist doctrines.” John A. Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, 1939–1945 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1955), 279. “At least as a start, it seems preferable not to call the OUN’s ideology ‘fascism’ but to designate it ‘integral nationalism,’ in accordance with Carlton Hayes’ classification of the Action Française model.” John A. Armstrong, “Collaborationism in World War II: The Integral Nationalist Variant in Eastern Europe,” Journal of Modern History, 40, no. 3 (Sep. 1968): 400–401.

Juan J. Linz, “Political Space and Fascism as Late-Comer: Conditions Conductive to the Success or Failure of Fascism as a Mass Movement in Inter-War Europe,” in Stein Ugelvik Larsen, Bernt Hagtvet, and Jan Petter Myklebust (eds.), Who Were the Fascists: Social Roots of European Fascism (Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1980): 169, 187

Grzegorz Rossoli#ski-Liebe, “The ‘Ukrainian National Revolution’ of 1941: Discourse and Practice of a Fascist Movement,” Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 12, no. 1 (Winter 2011): 87, n. 12. Heorhii Kas’ianov rejects attempts at establishing an umbrella defi nition of the far right, arguing that applying terms such as fascism, Nazism, but also integral nationalism to the OUN is not productive, as these movements constitute different phenomena. Teoriia natsii ta natsionalizmu (Kyiv: Lebed’, 1999), 326.

Bruder, “Den ukrainischen Staat,” 32; Oleksandr Panchenko, Mykola Lebed’: Zhyttia. Diyal’nist’. Derzhavno-pravovi pohliady (Lokhvytsia: Kobeliaky, 2001), 15; Anatol’ Kamins’kyi, Krai, emihratsiiai mizhnarodni zakulisy (Manchester: Vydannia Politychnoi Rady OUNz Nakladom Kraevoi PR OUNz u Velykobrytanii, 1982), 39–42.

Bruder, “Den ukrainischen Staat,” 35.

Roger Griffi n, Modernism and Fascism: The Sense of a Beginning under Mussolini and Hitler (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 62.

There is a rich literature on the theory, defi nition, and charcterization of fascism. Here it would suffi ce to mention Roger Griffi n, The Nature of Fascism (London: Pinter, 1991), 1–19, and Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism, 1914–1945 (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1995), 3–52, and idem, “The Concept of Fascism,” in Ugelvik Larsen, Hagtvet, and Myklebust, Who Were the Fascists, 17. On the fascism of the OUN, see Rossoli#ski-Liebe, “The ‘Ukrainian National Revolution’ of 1941,” 85–90.

Bruder, “Den ukrainischen Staat,” 51. The characterization of the OUN as fascist is also shared by Richard Breitman, Norman J. W. Goda, John-Paul Himka, David Marples, Grzegorz Rossoli#ski-Liebe, Timothy Snyder, and other historians. See Richard Breitman and Norman J. W. Goda, Hitler’s Shadow: Nazi War Criminals, U.S. Intelligence, and the Cold War (Washington, D.C.: The National Archives, 2010), 74, and, for instance Himka, Marples, Rossoli#ski-Liebe, and Snyder in Tarik Cyril Amar, Ivan Balyns’kyi, and Yaroslav Hrytsak (eds.) Strasti za Banderoiu: statti ta essei (Kyiv: Hrani-T, 2010).

Taras Kuzio, “OUN v Ukraine, Dmytro Dontsov i zakordonna chastyna OUN,” Suchasnist, vol. 12 (1992): 34; Armstrong, “Collaborationism in World War II,” 402.

Taras Kurylo, “’The Jewish Question’ in the Ukrainian Nationalist Discourse of the Interwar Period,” Polin, no. 26 (forthcoming).

Iaroslav Orshan, “Doba natsionalizmu,” V Avanhardi (Al’manakh) (Paris: n.p. 1938), 41. Availble online from the web forum Natsional’na Diia “RID,” http://rid.org.ua. Thanks to Taras Kurylo for this reference.

Yury Boshyk, ed., World War II in Ukraine: History and Its Aftermath (Edmonton: CIUS and University of Alberta, 1986), 172–173; “10 zapovidei Ukraintsia-Natsionalista (Dekal’oh),” Tsentral’nyi derzhavnyi arkhiv hromas’kykh orhanizatsii Ukrainy, henceforth TsDAHO Ukrainy, f. 1, op. 23, d. 931, ark. 68. Thanks to John-Paul Himka for this reference.

Mykola Posivnych, “Molodist’ Stepana Bandery,” in Mykola Posivnych (ed.), Zhyttia i diial’nist’ Stepana Bandery: Dokumenty i materialy (Ternopil’: Aston, 2008), 38.

Z Tvoei rodyny stvory kyvot chystoty Tvoei Rasy i Natsii, from 44 pravyla zhyttia ukrains’koho natsionalista. Sviatoslav Lypovets’kyi, OUN banderivtsi: frahmenty diial’nosti ta borot’by/The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (Banderites): A Collage of Deeds and Struggles (Kiev: Ukrains’ka Vydavnycha Spilka, 2010), 93–94.

Nationalist publishers translated Nazi racial theoretician Hans Günther’s 1920 racist tract Ritter, Tod und Teufel as Hans F. K. [Ginter] Günter, Lytsar, Smert’ i chort’: Herois’ka mysl’. Vstup ta pereklad iz IV. nimets’koho vydannia Rostyslava Iendyka [Introduction and translation from the IV German edition by Rostyslav Iendyk] (L’viv: Vydavnytstvo “Prometei,” 1937). Orshan introduced the book, written “in 1920, at the time of all the misery that befell Germany after its loss in the World War, democratic-liberal decay, pacifi sm, and the weakening of the national instinct, and the rise of Jewish supremacy [postupaiuchoi supermatii zhydivstva],” Orshan, Doba Natsionalizmu, 3–4. On Hans F. K. Günther, see Alan E. Steinweis, Studying the Jew: Scholarly Anti-Semitism in Nazi Germany (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2006), 25–41, and Leo Kramár, Rasismens ideologer: Från Gobeneau till Hitler (Stockholm: Norstedts Förlag, 2000), 207–227.