Richard Patterson - Balance of Power

Across the aisle, Cassie noticed, Chuck Hampton glanced at Frank Fasano.

* * *

At five-thirty in the afternoon, having ignored his fourth message from Dane, Senator Fasano took the floor.

"I believe in this bill," he said simply. "All of it. It should become law—all of it. It should not be drowned by a sea of emotion, accusation, speculation, charge and countercharge. And whether or not we support the SSA, the issue of gun rights in America should never be placed in the hands of trial lawyers."

Standing straighter, Fasano surveyed his colleagues—their expressions by turn rapt, curious, bewildered, tense, as they awaited the will of the Senate's most powerful member. "Because it is right, I will vote to override the President. I urge you to do likewise. But however you vote, you should do so on the merits, without obligation to the President—or to me."

With that, Fasano sat down.

* * *

Shortly after six o'clock, in a hushed chamber, ninety-nine members of the United States Senate began casting their votes. The thirty-fourth vote to support the President, upholding his veto, was cast by Senator Cassie Rollins. The final vote was fifty-six to forty-three in favor of the President.

One senator, Jack Slezak of Michigan, sent word through an aide that influenza had left him too ill to attend.

Leaving the chamber, Chad encountered Frank Fasano.

For Chad, it was a strange moment. He had inflicted a defeat on Fasano and, by doing so, had cemented the enmity of those who controlled his party's Presidential nomination. More curious yet, if their colleagues but knew, was that he had done what Fasano wished—delivered the coup de grâce to Charles Dane, for which he, not Fasano, would absorb the ire of the militant right. That Fasano's deal with him on campaign finance reform remained intact was Chad's recompense for doing what, in his heart, he had always known he must.

"Well," Fasano observed, "it's done. Kilcannon's won again."

Palmer shrugged. " 'The luck of the Irish,' " he said dryly. "If you can call it that. But you'll survive." Smiling, he lowered his voice still more. "You just dodged a bullet, Frank. An Eagle's Claw at that."

SIXTEEN

Shortly after the vote, President Kerry Kilcannon returned to the White House press room.

Whether he should do this was a matter of some debate—Clayton, for one, was worried that the potential appearance of triumphalism would ill suit a President who had sustained such personal damage. But it was time to reassert himself, Kerry felt, and he also had a debt to discharge. Stepping behind the podium he felt lighter, more confident than he had since the miserable day when the SSA had forced him to come here to acknowledge Lara's abortion.

With an air of ease and command, he scanned the reporters jammed into their appointed chairs. "Let me begin," he told them, "by publicly thanking the fifty-six senators who voted to sustain our veto of the Civil Justice Reform Act—and, most of all, Senator Chuck Hampton.

"This was a difficult fight. I am fortunate to have the aid of Senator Hampton on the next two legislative battles—for passage of our gun safety proposals, and Senator Palmer's effort to clean up our shameful and corrupt system of campaign finance." Kerry permitted himself a smile. "I'm also grateful to Senator Fasano for his agreement to bring those bills to a vote, without delay."

Kerry paused for emphasis, and his expression became serious. "I also want to express my respect for George Callister. His testimony not only exposed the SSA's control of the gun industry, but meant a great deal to me personally. He is an honorable man, and I look forward to working with him and other leaders of his industry to make our society safer."

Nodding briskly, the President signalled his willingness to take questions, then jabbed a finger in the direction of John King of CNN. "Mr. President," King said, "it seems likely that Mr. Callister's revelations expose the SSA to the risk of a sizeable verdict in Mary Costello's lawsuit. Do you agree, and how will that affect the political prospects for the passage of your gun bill?"

Briefly, the President considered his answer. "With respect to the lawsuit, it's not appropriate for me to comment on specifics. Obviously, the recent revelations—and I expect there will be others—will change the dynamics of the gun debate, both legally and in terms of public attitudes.

"The bottom line is this—I believe that my gun legislation will pass, and that thousands of men, women, and children will live who otherwise would have died."

"As of now," King persisted, "do you think that the SSA is a political leper?"

" 'Leper,' " Kerry answered with a smile. "Is that a term of art?" His smile faded. "I'll leave the phrasemaking to you, John. Obviously, this has been a difficult time, both for the First Lady and for me. I hope now there will be a greater public understanding of why we've persisted in this issue—one that transcends our personal history and focuses on the more than thirty thousand people other families lose to guns each and every year."

Glancing about, Kerry spotted the person he was looking for, a young woman from the Associated Press. Pointing in her direction, he said, "Marcia?"

She stood. "Sarah Dash—the lawyer who made public Mr. Callister's testimony—is now facing a contempt hearing. As a former lawyer yourself, do you have any comment?"

Gazing down at the podium, the President feigned thought. "I need to weigh my words here," he began. "Just as the judge has to weigh the respect due his orders against what one might consider the larger moral context.

"Strictly as a moral matter, I think Ms. Dash acted in the tradition of those who have risked adverse personal consequences to themselves in order to save lives, and expose the wrongdoing of others." Pausing, Kerry finished mildly, "Obviously, the judge did not intend his order as a cover-up for perjury, obstruction of justice, and the attempted blackmail of a President."

When the press conference was done, Clayton greeted Kerry in the hallway. "I hope Bond watches television," he said.

Kerry laughed aloud. "Oh, I think he'll get the message. Just remember we owe a favor to Kit's friend from the Associated Press."

* * *

With Lenihan at one side, Mary Costello and the Director of the Kilcannon Center at the other, Sarah Dash stood before Judge Bond. The benches behind them were full, and more reporters stood at the

rear of the courtroom. After weeks of judicial secrecy, Gardner Bond had lost the ability to shut out the press and public. But such was Bond's pride of place that this left Sarah no less apprehensive than before. His posture was stiff, his expression suffused with the offended dignity of an egotistical man to whom his primacy was all.

"Did you ," Bond demanded of Lenihan, "know what your client and cocounsel intended?"

"I did not," Lenihan answered. "But Ms. Costello wishes me to advise the court that it was she who made the final decision."

Briefly, Sarah felt Mary touch her arm, and then Bond glared at them both. "Ms. Dash," he snapped, "is an officer of this court. Her role is to admonish her client to obey Court orders, not to foment their violation."

"I understand, Your Honor," Lenihan said agreeably. "But I also think that President Kilcannon put it very well. Ms. Dash acted to prevent a larger injustice . . ."

"Ms. Dash," Bond snapped, "acted to affect the political process in a manner adverse to the defendants."

"Forgive me," Lenihan answered more quietly. "But, given Mr. Callister's testimony, it's somewhat hard to see the difference."

Though visibly annoyed, Bond hesitated. On impulse, Sarah said, "May I be heard, Your Honor?"