Richard Patterson - Balance of Power

"This all could be a smear," Harshman cautioned. "Orchestrated by Kilcannon."

Fasano turned to him. Evenly, he inquired, "Do you really think that?"

Harshman's expression took on an obstinate cast. "What do we really know about this man Callister . . . ?"

"Give it a rest, Paul. Let's focus on saving this bill." Fasano's tone brooked no argument. "I'm not taking calls from Charles Dane. I don't want you to take any. As soon as we're through here, I'm going to distance us from Dane as quickly as I can, and you'll be right there with me. Just like Sarah Dash and Mary Costello."

* * *

Gathered in the Oval Office, Kerry, Kit and Clayton watched Fasano on CNN.

Flanked by Paul Harshman and others in the Republican leadership, he stood in the rotunda of the Capitol. N one of us, he said, can know what Mr. Dane intended to convey to Mr. Callister, and its precise connection to the President's own admission of his personal conduct prior to assuming office.

"Do remind us," Clayton said caustically. "Some may have forgotten."

Only Mr. Dane knows, Fasano continued. But we cannot be blind to the implications of what we learned today. The blackmail Mr. Callister suggests has no place in our public life. However committed we may be to the protection of unborn life—and, for that matter, gun rights—we in the Republican Party utterly repudiate such despicable tactics.

"But not their benefits," Kerry said softly.

Senator Fasano, Kate Snow of CNN called out. H ow does Ms. Dash's revelation affect the prospects of overriding the President's veto?

It's too soon to tell, Kate. Frankly, we're still absorbing this. But I can tell you what logic suggests, at least to me. Fasano's expression was grave, his tone measured. This is, as I've said, a sad chapter in our civic life. But—just as Mr. Dane's alleged conversation should not reflect on the four million members of the SSA—Mr. Callister's charges have no more to do with the merits of the Civil Justice Reform Act than does the private life of the President and First Lady.

Gun immunity is only a small portion of the comprehensive and badly

needed reform of our legal system contained in this important bill. Whatever our problems—including gun violence—in my opinion the current culture of litigation makes them worse. I intend to press for an override as vigorously as before.

Having delivered his message, Fasano left the podium.

"The sonofabitch is smart," Kit told the President grudgingly. "He's put all the daylight he needed between himself and Dane. But he wants to keep the SSA in his debt, and their votes and money in his party's pocket. And if he can override your veto after this, he's king of the Hill."

"Not on my watch." Kerry felt both anger and exhilaration, the freedom of knowing who was responsible, and what he needed to do. "I've got some senators to call."

"What about a statement?" Kit interposed.

Kerry smiled. "I'll take care of it myself."

* * *

At six o'clock in the east, sufficient time to make the evening news, the President appeared as promised in the White House press room. Fasano, Majority Whip Dave Ruckles, and their leadership team watched on CNN.

Earlier today, the President began, S enator Fasano suggested that "none of us can know what Mr. Dane intended to convey to Mr. Callister." For myself, I find statements like "I have personal information that the President and First Lady can never survive," and "the President can be handled if he gets in the way" less ambiguous than does the senator.

Let me review the sequence of events. I was threatened through an "anony mous" phone call relayed by Senator Slezak, I nonetheless vetoed the Civil Justice Reform Act, and some very "personal information" promptly became public. Mr. Callister has now identified the source. The President's tone took on a trace of irony. To be fair, the Majority Leader has found this sequence sufficiently damning to separate himself from Mr. Dane. I also agree with him that the mem bership of the SSA does not believe in blackmail. But its leadership plainly does . . .

"Saying isn't proving," Harshman scoffed. "No matter how many times he says it."

Fasano was silent. Of all the men in the room, only he was as certain of Dane's involvement as Kilcannon. But he could never admit this to the others. "There's no reason for Callister to lie," he said at length, "and now the President can unleash the FBI. The prudent thing is to assume that, sooner or later, the President will pin this on Dane."

In addition to his repudiation of blackmail, the President continued, I

offer Senator Fasano this practical suggestion: that his party return the over two million dollars the current leadership of the SSA gave it in the last election cycle— or, at the least, that it refuse to accept such money in the future. That might help them, to borrow the senator's phrase, focus on the "merits" of the Civil Justice Reform Act . . .

"Whoever leaked the story," Dave Ruckles observed, "I sure as hell don't like blackmail. But our quality of life was better when this guy felt more chastened . . ."

Consider one compelling fact. If the Senate had overridden my veto a mere two days ago, instead of tomorrow as the senator hopes, this bill would have pre vented George Callister from being sworn to tell the truth—about the destruction of evidence, the SSA's unlawful domination of Lexington Arms, and Mr. Dane's use of blackmail to advance the SSA's agenda. From the standpoint of the SSA, the bill's "merits" are now clear: suppressing truth and perpetuating injustice.

Fasano turned to Ruckles. "Where does Palmer stand?" he asked.

* * *

At that moment, the senior senator from Ohio had no wish to be on Capitol Hill. He was at home with Allie, refusing to answer the phone. This still was true three hours later, when Charles Dane appeared on Larry King Live.

" This ," Chad told his wife, "should be one for the time capsule."

Larry, Dane said with deep sincerity, I share Senator Fasano's feelings of indignation over charges such as these. But however Mr. Callister chose to inter pret our many conversations, never once does he claim that I mentioned Lara Kil cannon's abortion.

What's important here is to examine Callister's motives. Lexington and the SSA are codefendants in an inflammatory lawsuit which is bad for Lexington's image. So he's blaming the SSA instead of the President for its existence, and try ing to pass on to us any liability they might have . . .

But why would he do that, King interrogated sharply, with the Senate about to wipe out the lawsuit altogether?

"How uncharitable," Palmer observed. "Larry's becoming Tim Russert."

Clearly, Larry, Callister hedged his bets—and it backfired. He never consid ered that President Kilcannon and his legal surrogate, Sarah Dash, would use his calculated lies to practice the politics of smear and victimization against Ameri can gun owners.

Kilcannon and his followers smear us because we're the most dedicated upholder of every decent American's right to defend themselves and their families against murderers, rapists and child molesters—the scum of the way-too-permissive society exemplified by the Kilcannons. Then the President tries to advance his true agenda—confiscation—by pretending to be the victim of the big bad SSA.