Christopher Buckley - Boomsday

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From The Washington Post
Reviewed by Judy Budnitz
Does government-sanctioned suicide offer the same potential for satire as, say, the consumption of children? Possibly. One need only look to Kurt Vonnegut's story "Welcome to the Monkey House," with its "Federal Ethical Suicide Parlors" staffed by Juno-esque hostesses in purple body stockings. Or the recent film "Children of Men," in which television commercials for a suicide drug mimic, to an unsettling degree, the sunsets-and-soothing-voices style of real pharmaceutical ads. Now, Christopher Buckley ventures into a not-too-distant future to engage the subject in his new novel, Boomsday.
Here's the set-up: One generation is pitted against another in the shadow of a Social Security crisis. Our protagonist, Cassandra Devine, is a 29-year-old public relations maven by day, angry blogger by night. Incensed by the financial burden soon to be placed on her age bracket by baby boomers approaching retirement, she proposes on her blog that boomers be encouraged to commit suicide. Cassandra insists that her proposal is not meant to be taken literally; it is merely a "meta-issue" intended to spark discussion and a search for real solutions. But the idea is taken up by an attention-seeking senator, Randy Jepperson, and the political spinning begins.
Soon Cassandra and her boss, Terry Tucker, are devising incentives for the plan (no estate tax, free Botox), an evangelical pro-life activist is grabbing the opposing position, the president is appointing a special commission to study the issue, the media is in a frenzy, and Cassandra is a hero. As a presidential election approaches, the political shenanigans escalate and the subplots multiply: There are nursing-home conspiracies, Russian prostitutes, Ivy League bribes, papal phone calls and more.
Buckley orchestrates all these characters and complications with ease. He has a well-honed talent for quippy dialogue and an insider's familiarity with the way spin doctors manipulate language. It's queasily enjoyable to watch his characters concocting doublespeak to combat every turn of events. "Voluntary Transitioning" is Cassandra's euphemism for suicide; "Resource hogs" and "Wrinklies" are her labels for the soon-to-retire. The opposition dubs her "Joan of Dark."
It's all extremely entertaining, if not exactly subtle. The president, Riley Peacham, is "haunted by the homophonic possibilities of his surname." Jokes are repeated and repeated; symbols stand up and identify themselves. Here's Cassandra on the original Cassandra: "Daughter of the king of Troy. She warned that the city would fall to the Greeks. They ignored her… Cassandra is sort of a metaphor for catastrophe prediction. This is me. It's what I do." By the time Cassandra asks Terry, "Did you ever read Jonathan Swift's 'A Modest Proposal'?" some readers may be crying, "O.K., O.K., I get it."
Younger readers, meanwhile, may find themselves muttering, "He doesn't get it." The depiction of 20-somethings here often rings hollow, relying as it does on the most obvious signifiers: iPods, videogames, skateboards and an apathetic rallying cry of "whatever."
But Buckley isn't singling out the younger generation. He's democratic in his derision: boomers, politicians, the media, the public relations business, the Christian right and the Catholic Church get equal treatment. Yet despite the abundance of targets and the considerable display of wit, the satire here is not angry enough – not Swiftian enough – to elicit shock or provoke reflection; it's simply funny. All the drama takes place in a bubble of elitism, open only to power players – software billionaires, politicians, lobbyists, religious leaders. The general population is kept discretely offstage. Even the two groups at the center of the debate are reduced to polling statistics. There are secondhand reports of them acting en masse: 20-somethings attacking retirement-community golf courses, boomers demanding tax deductions for Segways. But no individual faces emerge. Of course, broadness is a necessary aspect of satire, but here reductiveness drains any urgency from the proceedings. There's little sense that lives, or souls, are at stake.
Even Cassandra, the nominal hero, fails to elicit much sympathy. Her motivations are more self-involved than idealistic: She's peeved that her father spent her college fund and kept her from going to Yale. And she's not entirely convincing as the leader and voice of her generation. Though her blog has won her millions of followers, we never see why she's so popular; we never see any samples of her blogging to understand why her writing inspires such devotion. What's even more curious is that, aside from her blog, she seems to have no contact with other people her own age. Her mentors, her lover and all of her associates are members of the "wrinklies" demographic.
Though I was willing for the most part to sit back and enjoy the rollicking ride, one incident in particular strained my credulity to the breaking point: Cassandra advises Sen. Jepperson to use profanity in a televised debate as a way of wooing under-30 voters, and the tactic is a smashing success. If dropping an f-bomb were all it took to win over the young folks, Vice President Cheney would be a rock star by now.

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The only question remaining was-was he telling the truth?

The inquest was inconclusive but left open the possibility, as it was quietly put, of “mischief.” The evidence, such as it was, was inconclusive. The district attorney declined to prosecute. No one wanted a scandal. His unconvincing explanation was accepted-with a collective rolling of eyes-and the matter was closed.

In fact, it was anything but “closed.” Cassiopeia may not have been a popular person in Payne County, and her cruelty to Gideon was well-known. That said, matricide was “not done” in fine families in the South. Perhaps in the North, but not here.

A year later and now legally an adult, Gideon left his ancestral home, some said with hardly a look back over his shoulder. He sold his shares in Payne Enterprises, which made him relatively wealthy. He enrolled in a theological seminary, where he excelled in homiletics. He concentrated his ministry among the elderly. (Guilt, they said back home.) In the process, he came to know the owners of a home for the elderly outside Memphis. It was failing financially. He took an interest, bought it, and, displaying a genetic ability for business, turned it around and made it profitable. He bought a few more homes, turned those around. By the time he was in his mid-thirties, he owned a majority share in Elderheaven Corporation, which owned or operated nearly a hundred homes for the elderly throughout the country. Its motto was: “The next best thing to heaven.” Back in Payne County, heads were shaking, but they had to admit that this was penitence on a grand-and profitable-scale.

Gideon’s ministry expanded with his business. He became a defender of life not only for the elderly, but for the unborn. Invited to speak at a pro-life rally on the Mall in Washington, he gave an impressive, pulpit-pounding defense that put many in mind of a younger Billy Graham or, as one newspaper put it, a “white Al Sharpton.” More invitations followed, and before long he became leader of the Protestant branch of the pro-life movement. He founded the Society for the Protection of Every Ribonucleic Molecule, SPERM. Soon it became the go-to activist pro-life vanguard. If an abortion clinic opened somewhere, SPERM was there to protest. He spoke out against stem cell research. If the family of a vent-dependent, brain-dead coma victim tried to unplug life support, SPERM was there with a court order to stop it and a howling posse of interventionist congressmen. If a state legislature debated an assisted suicide bill, Gideon himself would be there to denounce it from the steps of the statehouse. Before long, Gideon was “Mr. Life.”

Because of this and Elderheaven, he also became Mr. Rich. He was a significant personage in the nation’s capital, courted by presidents and by those who craved the presidency. Every so often, some smart-alecky pundit would allude to “the incident,” but they did it at their peril. Retaliation followed, sure and swift. Denunciations of the pundit would pour forth from pulpits all over the land. Most punitively of all, advertising would be pulled from the offending newspaper or radio or website. All of which made Cass’s remark on Greet the Press no mere taunt, but a formal declaration of war.

“Why didn’t you just pull a knife and stab him in the neck?” Terry said, shaking his head. “Where’d you learn your debating style? From watching World Wrestling Federation Friday Night Smackdown ?”

“Whose side are you on?” Cass said. “He called me ‘demonic.’”

“He calls everyone that.”

“Well, I’m not going to take that from some Mr. Chubby Ducketts southern-fried preacher who drove his mother off a cliff. Why should I kowtow to that asshole?”

“Cass-Supreme Court nominees kowtow to ‘that asshole.’ Powerful corporations kowtow to ‘that asshole.’ Corporations, by the way, that we seek to become clients of. Presidents kowtow to-”

“I’m not running for president. Or the Supreme Court. Whatever. We got his attention.”

“Oh,” Terry snorted, “yeah, I’d say we definitely accomplished that. You’re probably now numero uno on Gideon Payne’s shit list.”

“Bring it on.”

Please don’t say that. It’s such bad karma. God might be listening.”

“If Gideon Payne is God’s instrument on earth, I volunteer for the next manned mission to Mars.”

The phone rang. It was the junior senator from the great state of Massachusetts, Randolph K. Jepperson.

“I’m calling to say thank you.”

“For what?”

“I asked you to kick that sanctimonious bag of helium in the balls. And you ripped them right off. Bra-va.

“I didn’t do it for you,” Cass said a bit hotly. “He called me ‘demonic.’”

“Oh, heavens, he calls everyone that. Anyhow, you were brilliant. Brilliant. I love you. Marry me. Now, I am not without news myself. While you were administering bastinadoes to the Reverend Payne, I was working feverishly to make our little ‘Modest Proposal’ the law of the land. I presented the idea of co-sponsoring the Voluntary Transitioning bill to the distinguished junior senator from Oregon, Ron Fundermunk. At first the blood drained from his face. I thought he might faint. Then I explained that it’s a meta- political device. A proxy, as it were, a philosophical tool to spark spirited debate on the issue, sure in time to lead to reform of a less, shall we say, draconian kind. Sure enough, the color returned to his face. He gets it! Those Oregonians. I love them. They’re so ahead of the curve. He’s an educated fellow. He took philosophy in college. It’s not going to alarm his constituents. He represents a state that’s dying to commit suicide. He knows a brave new world when he sees one. So, Little Miss Sunshine, the bottom line is that I am calling to inform you that I have a co-sponsor for our bill.”

The “our” gave Cass pause, but she had to admit it was, all in all, encouraging news.

Chapter 15

“Mr. President,” Senator Randolph K. Jepperson said, beginning his historic speech on the floor of the Senate, “I rise to introduce a bill of momentous importance and urgency.”

The president pro tem nodded sleepily in return and went back to his Sudoko puzzle.

The Washington and national press corps watched with one collective eye on C-SPAN, which had thankfully relieved them of having to be physically present when politicians rose to introduce bills of momentous importance and urgency.

“Together with my distinguished and learned colleague from the great state of Oregon, we are today introducing S.322, the Voluntary Transitioning bill. This bill is coming at a time of dire national economic crisis, as seventy-seven million…yes, Mr. Speaker, I said seventy-seven million members of the Baby Boom generation are beginning to retire, playing havoc with the Treasury and creating mayhem on Wall Street. Mr. President, under the provisions of the Voluntary Transitioning bill, which I believe will take its rightful place in the historic pantheon of legislation, along with the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the recent Alaska Monorail Transportation Act, elder Americans will be able to give something back to their country. And in the process, provide for their children, and their children’s children, to make a better world.

“Mr. President, I surely recognize that at first glance, this bill may appear to advocate a desperate remedy to our nation’s fiscal calamities. But it was a former member of this very body who, on assuming the leadership of this great nation at a time of great peril, said, ‘Ask not what your country can do for you…’

“Mr. President, the generation that preceded my own has been called ‘the Greatest Generation.’ Born into the Depression, forged in the annealing fires of the furnace of World War Two, they made themselves great indeed. The generation that followed- my generation, and that of many of my distinguished colleagues-might be called ‘the Luckiest Generation.’ Why? Because of the sacrifices made by our fathers and mothers, uncles and aunts, grandfathers and grandmothers. Meanwhile, my generation has not been idle, exactly. Perhaps we did not fight in a great war or weather a depression. But in our own way, we have contributed. We have made advances in science, in the arts, in technology. And some of us did fight in wars-perhaps not great ones, but wars nonetheless. Others of us were wounded on foreign battlefields-”

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