Ross Anderson - Security Engineering

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Security Engineering: краткое содержание, описание и аннотация

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Now that there’s software in everything, how can you make anything
 secure? Understand how to engineer dependable systems with this newly updated classic 
In 
Cambridge University professor Ross Anderson updates his classic textbook and teaches readers how to design, implement, and test systems to withstand both error and attack. 
This book became a best-seller in 2001 and helped establish the discipline of security engineering. By the second edition in 2008, underground dark markets had let the bad guys specialize and scale up; attacks were increasingly on users rather than on technology. The book repeated its success by showing how security engineers can focus on usability. 
Now the third edition brings it up to date for 2020. As people now go online from phones more than laptops, most servers are in the cloud, online advertising drives the Internet and social networks have taken over much human interaction, many patterns of crime and abuse are the same, but the methods have evolved. Ross Anderson explores what security engineering means in 2020, including: 
How the basic elements of cryptography, protocols, and access control translate to the new world of phones, cloud services, social media and the Internet of Things Who the attackers are – from nation states and business competitors through criminal gangs to stalkers and playground bullies What they do – from phishing and carding through SIM swapping and software exploits to DDoS and fake news Security psychology, from privacy through ease-of-use to deception The economics of security and dependability – why companies build vulnerable systems and governments look the other way How dozens of industries went online – well or badly <l

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3.2.3.1 Authority and its abuse

In 1951, Solomon Asch showed that people could be induced to deny the evidence of their own eyes in order to conform to a group. Subjects judged the lengths of lines after hearing wrong opinions from other group members, who were actually the experimenter's stooges. Most subjects gave in and conformed, with only 29% resisting the bogus majority [136].

Stanley Milgram was inspired by the 1961 trial of Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann to investigate how many experimental subjects were prepared to administer severe electric shocks to an actor playing the role of a ‘learner’ at the behest of an experimenter while the subject played the role of the ‘teacher’ – even when the ‘learner’ appeared to be in severe pain and begged the subject to stop. This experiment was designed to measure what proportion of people will obey an authority rather than their conscience. Most did – Milgram found that consistently over 60% of subjects would do downright immoral things if they were told to [1314]. This experiment is now controversial but had real influence on the development of the subject.

The third was the Stanford Prisoner Experiment which showed that normal people can behave wickedly even in the absence of orders. In 1971, experimenter Philip Zimbardo set up a ‘prison’ at Stanford where 24 students were assigned at random to the roles of 12 warders and 12 inmates. The aim of the experiment was to discover whether prison abuses occurred because warders (and possibly prisoners) were self-selecting. However, the students playing the role of warders rapidly became sadistic authoritarians, and the experiment was halted after six days on ethical grounds [2076]. This experiment is also controversial now and it's unlikely that a repeat would get ethical approval today. But abuse of authority, whether real or ostensible, is a real issue if you are designing operational security measures for a business.

During the period 1995–2005, a telephone hoaxer calling himself ‘Officer Scott’ ordered the managers of over 68 US stores and restaurants in 32 US states (including at least 17 McDonald's stores) to detain some young employee on suspicion of theft and strip-search them. Various other degradations were ordered, including beatings and sexual assaults [2036]. A former prison guard was tried for impersonating a police officer but acquitted. At least 13 people who obeyed the caller and did searches were charged with crimes, and seven were convicted. McDonald's got sued for not training its store managers properly, even years after the pattern of hoax calls was established; and in October 2007, a jury ordered them to pay $6.1 million dollars to one of the victims, who had been strip-searched when she was an 18-year-old employee. It was a nasty case, as she was left by the store manager in the custody of her boyfriend, who then committed a further indecent assault on her. The boyfriend got five years, and the manager pleaded guilty to unlawfully detaining her. McDonald's argued that she was responsible for whatever damages she suffered for not realizing it was a hoax, and that the store manager had failed to apply common sense. A Kentucky jury didn't buy this and ordered McDonald's to pay up. The store manager also sued, claiming to be another victim of the firm's negligence to warn her of the hoax, and got $1.1 million [1090]. So US employers now risk heavy damages if they fail to train their staff to resist the abuse of authority.

3.2.3.2 The bystander effect

On March 13, 1964, a young lady called Kitty Genovese was stabbed to death in the street outside her apartment in Queens, New York. The press reported that thirty-eight separate witnesses had failed to help or even to call the police, although the assault lasted almost half an hour. Although these reports were later found to be exaggerated, the crime led to the nationwide 911 emergency number, and also to research on why bystanders often don't get involved.

John Darley and Bibb Latané reported experiments in 1968 on what factors modulated the probability of a bystander helping someone who appeared to be having an epileptic fit. They found that a lone bystander would help 85% of the time, while someone who thought that four other people could see the victim would help only 31% of the time; group size dominated all other effects. Whether another bystander was male, female or even medically qualified made essentially no difference [513]. The diffusion of responsibility has visible effects in many other contexts. If you want something done, you'll email one person to ask, not three people. Of course, security is usually seen as something that other people deal with.

However, if you ever find yourself in danger, the real question is whether at least one of the bystanders will help, and here the recent research is much more positive. Lasse Liebst, Mark Levine and others have surveyed CCTV footage of a number of public conflicts in several countries over the last ten years, finding that in 9 out of 10 cases, one or more bystanders intervened to de-escalate a fight, and that the more bystanders intervene, the more successful they are [1166]. So it would be wrong to assume that bystanders generally pass by on the other side; so the bystander effect's name is rather misleading.

3.2.4 The social-brain theory of deception

Our second big theme, which also fits into social psychology, is the growing body of research into deception. How does deception work, how can we detect and measure it, and how can we deter it?

The modern approach started in 1976 with the social intelligence hypothesis. Until then, anthropologists had assumed that we evolved larger brains in order to make better tools. But the archaeological evidence doesn't support this. All through the paleolithic period, while our brains evolved from chimp size to human size, we used the same simple stone axes. They only became more sophisticated in the neolithic period, by which time our ancestors were anatomically modern homo sapiens. So why, asked Nick Humphrey, did we evolve large brains if we didn't need them yet? Inspired by observing the behaviour of both caged and wild primates, his hypothesis was that the primary function of the intellect was social. Our ancestors didn't evolve bigger brains to make better tools, but to use other primates better as tools [936]. This is now supported by a growing body of evidence, and has transformed psychology as a discipline. Social psychology had been a poor country cousin until then and was not seen as rigorous; since then, people have realised it was probably the driving force of cognitive evolution. Almost all intelligent species developed in a social context. (One exception is the octopus, but even it has to understand how predators and prey react.)

The primatologist Andy Whiten then collected much of the early evidence on tactical deception, and recast social intelligence as the Machiavellian brain hypothesis: we became smart in order to deceive others, and to detect deception too [362]. Not everyone agrees completely with this characterisation, as the positive aspects of socialisation, such as empathy, also matter. But Hugo Mercier and Dan Sperber have recently collected masses of evidence that the modern human brain is more a machine for arguing than anything else [1296]. Our goal is persuasion rather than truth; rhetoric comes first, and logic second.

The second thread coming from the social intellect hypothesis is theory of mind, an idea due to David Premack and Guy Woodruff in 1978 but developed by Heinz Wimmer and Josef Perner in a classic 1983 experiment to determine when children are first able to tell that someone has been deceived [2032]. In this experiment, the Sally-Anne test, a child sees a sweet hidden under a cup by Sally while Anne and the child watch. Anne then leaves the room and Sally switches the sweet to be under a different cup. Anne then comes back and the child is asked where Anne thinks the sweet is. Normal children get the right answer from about age five; this is when they acquire the ability to discern others' beliefs and intentions. Simon Baron-Cohen, Alan Leslie and Uta Frith then showed that children on the Aspergers / autism spectrum acquire this ability significantly later [178].

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