Fred Harrison - The Power In The Land

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This book is as relevant today as it was when it was published in 1983: we are faced with another global depression, which as it deepens, intensifies the pressure on governments and puts policy-makers in a dilemma. Every prescription has its negative: monetarism – unemployment; Keynesianism – inflation; and the planned economy – authoritarianism. This dilemma, the author argues, stems from a distortion in our understanding of how the industrial economy works, a distortion he traces back to Adam Smith. Adam Smith provided the captains of industry with a theoretical framework and moral justification for the new mode of production which sprang from the Industrial Revolution. He believed he was setting out the rules for a free market system but, inconsistently, he granted landowners an exemption enabling them to exert a monopoly influence on the market which remains to this day. The Marxist critique blames the capitalist for the ills of the system, yet Marx himself acknowledged that the power of the owners of capital rested on the power inherent in land. Both Marx and Smith recognized the special role of landowners who, in the words of J.S.Mill, «grow richer in their sleep without working, risking or economizing», but neither pursued the macro-economic implications and, if anything, covered them up. The author looks at the implications: the conflict between labour and capital is a false one that obstructs a rational strategy for rescuing the Western economy; the origins of the collapse of the 1980s are to be found in land speculation; this exploitation of the unique power, intrinsic to land, gives rise to inner city decay, urban sprawl, misallocation of resources, mass unemployment and the meteoric rise of property values. The major industrial nations entered the 1990s in the midst of land booms offering riches for a few but unemployment for many: banks in Texas were bankrupted by massive speculation in real estate and even embassies had to abandon their offices because they could not afford the rents in Tokyo. In Britain, the spoils from housing – the direct result of the way the land market operates – have enriched owner-occupiers but crippled the flow of workers into regions where entrepreneurs wanted to invest and lead the economy back to full employment. Thus, it is the author's thesis that land speculation is the major cause of depressions. He shows how the land market functions to distort the relations between labour and capital and how land speculation periodically chokes off economic expansion, causing stagnation. The remedy proposed by the author is a fiscal one which would remove the disruptive factor of land speculation and transfer the burden of taxes from labour and capital to economic rent, a publicly created revenue. This would create employment and higher growth rates, while avoiding the inflation-risk policy of deficit financing; increased consumption and investment would be generated by the private sector, not government.

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Finally, consider the money and stock markets. At certain times, principally near the top end of the land value cycle, when people are gripped by speculation mania, the bidding for money to buy land pushes up the rate of interest. This makes it difficult to borrow to finance the formation of new machines on which people rely for new jobs and wealth. Institutions seeking to attract depositors’ funds to invest in land force others to raise their interest rates in order to remain competitive. Building societies are an example of this, and as a result low-income earners experience greater difficulty in obtaining mortgages. Speculation in share prices on the stock exchange in the hope of capital gains, on the other hand, reduces the cost of finance to firms, so directly encouraging investment. 24

Thus, we begin to see that land speculation is a unique economic phenomenon, deriving its power from the ability to play a passive, wait-and-see game, capable of yielding enormous fortunes for shrewd dealers who, as land monopolists, do not contribute anything to the wealth of nations; a power which gives it the ability to inflict severe wounds on the active agents of the wealth-creating process, the workers and their accumulated savings (capital).

Notes

1The Owen plan was opposed by, among others, Henry Brougham, on the grounds that the real problem was over-population — the poor, it seemed, bred too fast for production to keep up with fertility! See B. Gordon, Political Economy in Parliament 1819-1823, London: Macmillan, 1976, p.65.

2Socialist planning does not admit of industrial crises. While Menshikov is happy to describe postwar economic recessions in the capitalist West as ‘crises’, his colleague Khachaturov will only admit of ‘minimum efficiency years’ in the USSR — and even then the national income is held to be ‘less than normal owing to poor harvests’. Who can plan the weather? See S. Menshikov, The Economic Cycle: Postwar Developments, Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975, and T. Khachaturov, The Economy of the Soviet Union Today , Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1977, p.337.

3 Capital, Vol. I, op. cit ., p. 580.

4 Progress and Poverty , op. cit., p. 264.

5 Ibid.

6S. Kuznets, Capital in the American Economy, Princeton University Press, 1961.

7G. F. Warren and F. A. Pearson, World Prices and the Building Industry, New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1937, p.97; R.C.O. Matthews, The Trade Cycle, Cambridge University Press, 1959, p.214, n.1; and A. Shonfield, Modern Capitalism, London: Oxford University Press, 1969, pp.21, n.1 and 28.

8 Op. cit., p.424.

9H. Hoyt, One Hundred Years of Land Values in Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1933.

10H. Hoyt, ‘The Urban Real Estate Cycle — Performances and Prospects’, in Urban Land Institute Technical Bulletin No. 38, June 1950, pp. 7-8, and Warren and Pearson, op. cit., p. 151, Table 4.

11For a discussion on the distorting influence of the World Wars, see Shonfield, op. cit., p. 27.

12Thompson, ‘The Land Market’, op. cit., p.47.

13D.J.J. Botha, Urban Taxation and Land Use, Report of a one-man Commission appointed by the City Council of Port Elizabeth, South Africa, 1970, p.23.

14B.Jordan, ‘“Abandoned” Madrid plot worth £5m’, Financial Weekly, 13.6.80.

15Whatever the motives of the owners, of course, the disruptive effects on the economy are still the same. Madrid, for example, was obliged to urbanise around the vacant site, which meant that rural land was developed needlessly and people were forced to commute to the city that bit further than was necessary.

16H.J. Brown, R.S. Phillips and N. A. Roberts, ‘Land Into Cities’, Cambridge, Mass.: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, 1980, mimeo.

17Brown et al ., ‘Land Ownership and Market Dynamics at the Urban Periphery: Implications for Land Policy Design and Implementation’, World Congress on Land Policy 1980, editors: M. Cullen and S. Woolery, Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1982, p. 131.

18M. M. Bruton and A. Gore, ‘Vacant Urban Land in South Wales’, Cardiff: Dept, of Town Planning, University of Wales Institute of Science and Technology, Vol. 1, p.74.

19‘The Strange Leveling Off in Land’, Fortune, Oct. 1963, p. 124, which notes (p. 128): ‘True, most US real estate is bought with borrowed money, and the speculative land buyer must pay stiff interest rates, but these will hardly prompt a cut-price sale so long as the land increases in value without a lift of the owner’s finger’.

20G. D. H. Cole, ‘Capitalism’, A Dictionary of the Social Sciences , editors: J. Gould and W. L. Kolb, London: Tavistock Publications, 1964.

21‘We conclude that it is meaningful to distinguish two income shares, which we have termed employment (labour) and property income; that this distinction bears considerable similarity to the Marxian and neo-Keynesian classification of income by class shares, but much less resemblance to neo-classical concepts of “factor shares”.’ J.King and P. Regan, Relative Income Shares, London: Macmillan, 1976, p.14.

22Matthews, op. cit., p. 93.

23 Ibid., p.273.

24 Ibid., p.61.

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