George Williams - History of the Negro Race in America from 1619 to 1880 (Vol. 1&2)

"What then is to be done? Done! for God's sake break every yoke and let these oppressed ones go free without delay —let them taste the sweets of that liberty , which we so highly prize, and are so earnestly supplicating God and man to grant us: nay, which we claim as the natural right of every man. Let me beseech my countrymen to put on bowels of compassion for these their brethren (for so I must call them,) yea, let me beseech you for your own sake and for God's sake, to break every yoke and let the oppressed go free." 379

Begun among the members of the bar and the pulpit, the common folk at length felt a lively interest in the subject of emancipation. An occasional burst of homely, vigorous eloquence from the pulpit on the duties of the hour inflamed the conscience of the pew with a noble zeal for a righteous cause. The afflatus of liberty sat upon the people as cloven tongues. Every village, town, and city had its orators whose only theme was emancipation. "The pulpit and the press were not silent, and sermons and essays in behalf of the enslaved Africans were continually making their appearance." The public conscience was being rapidly educated, and from the hills of Berkshire to the waters of Massachusetts Bay the fires of liberty were burning.

260George H. Moore, LL.D., for many years librarian of the New-York Historical Society, but at present the efficient superintendent of the Lenox Library, in his "Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts," has summoned nearly all the orators and historians of Massachusetts to the bar of history. He leaves them open to one of three charges, viz., evading the truth, ignorance of it, or falsifying the record. And in addition to this work, which is authority, his "Additional Notes" glow with an energy and perspicuity of style which lead me to conclude that Dr. Moore works admirably under the spur, and that his refined sarcasm, unanswerable logic, and critical accuracy give him undisputed place amongst the ablest writers of our times.

261Wood's New-England Prospect, 1634, p. 77.

262Slavery in Mass., p. 7.

263Ibid., pp. 4, 5, and 6.

264Elliott's New-England Hist., pp. 167–205.

265Winthrop's Journal, Feb. 26, 1638, vol. i. p. 254; see, also, Felt, vol. ii. p. 230.

266Dr. Moore backs his statement as to the time The Desire was built by quoting from Winthrop, vol. i. p. 193. But there is a mistake somewhere as to the correct date. Winthrop says she was built in 1636; but I find in Mr. Drake's "Founders of New England," pp. 31, 32, this entry: "More (June) XXth, 1635. In the Desire de Lond. Pearce, and bond for New Eng. p'r cert, fro ij Justices of Peace and ministers of All Saints lionian in Northampton." If she sailed in 1635, she must have been built earlier.

267Dr. George H. Moore says Josselyn's Voyages were printed in 1664. This is an error. They were not published until ten years later, in 1674. In 1833 the Massachusetts Historical Society printed the work in the third volume and third series of their collection.

268Josselyn, p. 28.

269Ibid., p. 250.

270Ibid., p. 258.

271Slavery in Mass., p. 9.

272Mass. Hist Coll., vol. iv. 4th Series, p. 333, sq.

273Mr. Bancroft (Centenary Edition, vol. i. p. 137) says, "The earliest importation of Negro slaves into New England was made in 1637, from Providence Isle, in the Salem ship Desire." But Winthrop (vol. i. p. 254, under date of the 26th of February, 1638) says, "The Desire returned from the West Indies after seven months." He also states (ibid., p. 193) that The Desire was "built at Marblehead in 1636." But this may or may not be true according to the old method of keeping time.

274Palfrey's Hist. of N.E., vol. ii. p. 30, note.

275Josselyn, p. 257.

276Elliott's New-England Hist., vol. ii. pp. 57, 58.

277Hildreth, vol. i, p. 270, sq .

278Ancient Charters and Laws of Mass., pp. 52, 23.

279Slavery in Mass., p. 13, note.

280Slavery in Mass., pp. 18, 19.

281Ibid., p. 12.

282Elliott's New-England Hist., vol. i. p. 383.

283Hildreth, vol. i. p. 278.

284Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. iv. 4th Series, p. 334.

285Quoted by Dr. Moore, p. 20.

286Commonwealth vs . Aves, 18 Pickering, p. 208.

287Andover vs . Canton, Mass. Reports, 551, 552, quoted by Dr. Moore.

288Kendall's Travels, vol. ii. p. 179.

289The following note, if it refers to the kidnapped Negroes, gives an earlier date—"29th May, 1644. Mr. Blackleach his petition about the Mores was consented to, to be committed to the eldrs, to enforme us of the mind of God herein, & then further to consider it."— Mass. Records , vol. ii. p. 67.

290Bancroft, Centennial edition, vol. i. p. 137.

291Hildreth, vol. i. p. 282.

292The petition is rather a remarkable paper, and is printed below. It is evident that the judge was in earnest. And yet the court, while admitting the petition, tried the case on only one ground, man-stealing.

To the honored general court. The oath I took this yeare att my enterance upon the place of assistante was to this effect: That I would truly endeavour the advancement of the gospell and the good of the people of this plantation (to the best of my skill) dispencing justice equally and impartially (according to the laws of God and this land) in all cases wherein I act by virtue of my place. I conceive myself called by virtue of my place to act (according to this oath) in the case concerning the negers taken by captain Smith and Mr. Keser; wherein it is apparent that Mr. Keser gave chace to certaine negers; and upon the same day tooke divers of them; and at another time killed others; and burned one of their townes. Omitting several misdemeanours, which accompanied these acts above mentioned, I conceive the acts themselves to bee directly contrary to these following laws (all of which are capitall by the word of God; and two of them by the lawes of this jurisdiction).

The act (or acts) of murder (whether by force or fraude) are expressly contrary both to the law of God, and the law of this country.

The act of stealing negers, or taking them by force (Whether it be considered as theft or robbery) is (as I conceive) expressly contrary, both to the law of God, and the law of this country.

The act of chaceing the negers (as aforesayde) upon the sabbath day (being a servile worke and such as cannot be considered under any other heade) is expressly capitall by the law of God.

These acts and outrages being committed where there was noe civill government, which might call them to accompt, and the persons, by whom they were committed beeing of our jurisdiction, I conceive this court to bee the ministers of God in this case, and therefore my humble request is that the severall offenders may be imprisoned by the order of this court, and brought into their deserved censure in convenient time; and this I humbly crave that soe the sinn they have committed may be upon their own heads, and not upon ourselves (as otherwise it will.)

Yrs in all christean observance,

Richard Saltonstall.

The house of deputs thinke meete that this petition shall be granted, and desire our honored magistrats concurrence herein.

Edward Rawson.

—Coffin's Newbury , pp. 335, 336.

293Laws Camb., 1675, p. 15.

294Hildreth, vol. i. p. 368.

295Coffin, p. 335.

296Drake (p. 288) says, "This act, however, was afterwards repealed or disregarded."

297Mass. Records, vol ii. p 129.

298Moore, Appendix, 251, sq.

299Slavery in Mass., p. 30.

300Hildreth, vol. i. p, 282.

301Slavery in Mass., p. 49. See, also, Drake's Boston, p. 441, note.

302Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. viii. 3d Series, p. 337.

303Slavery in Mass., p. 50.

304Coll. Amer. Stat. Asso., vol. i. p. 586.