Agnia Grigas - Beyond Crimea

57. Heather A. Conley and Theodore P. Gerber, “Russian Soft Power in the 21st Century. An Examination of Russian Compatriot Policy in Estonia,” A Report of the CSIS Europe Program (New York: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2011), p. 13.

58. “Medvedev Approves New Fund to Protect Rights of Russian Compatriots,” rt.com, 25 May 2011, http://rt.com/politics/medvedev-decree-fund-compatriots/.

59. “Moscow creates fund to protect Russian compatriots abroad,” RT, 18 April 2011, http://rt.com/politics/russia-compatriots-fund-protection/.

60. “Sud podtverdil, chto fond Vitrenko s pomoshiu rossiyskikh deneg, finansiroval terrorizm na Donbasse,” Tsenzor.net, 11 July 2014, http://censor.net.ua/news/293495/sud_podtverdil_chto_fond_vitrenko_s_pomoschyu_rossiyiskih_deneg_finansiroval_terrorizm_na_donbasse.

61. Conley and Gerber, “Russian Soft Power in the 21st Century,” p. 14.

62. Heather Conley and Theodore Gerber, “Russian Soft Power: The Evolution of a Strategy,” panel transcript, Carnegie Europe, 8 September 2011, http://carnegieendowment.org/files/2011-9-08-Russian_Soft%20Power.pdf.

63. Valeriy Dzutsev, “Cossacks In North Caucasus Demand Increased Support from Moscow,” Central Asia–Caucasus Analyst, 9 August 2013, http://cacianalyst.org/publications/analytical-articles/item/12783-cossacks-in-north-caucasus-demand-increased-support-from-moscow.html; “Armed Cossacks Pour In to Fight Georgians,” The Guardian , 9 August 2008, http://www.theguardian.com/world/2008/aug/09/russia.georgia1; Igor Rotar, “The Cossack Factor in Ukrainian War,” Eurasia Daily Monitor 11, no. 149 (13 August 2014), http://www.jamestown.org/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=42747&no_cache=1#.VNacwvmsXxU.

64. Conley and Gerber, “Russian Soft Power in the 21st Century,” p. 13.

65. “Third International” entry, Encyclopedia Britannica , http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/290606/Third-International.

66. Kiilo and Vladimirova, “Compatriots,” p. 180.

67. Paul Goble, “Moscow Seeking To Make Russian Diaspora a Soviet-Style Political Weapon Against West,” interpretermag.com , 3 February 2015, http://www.interpretermag.com/moscow-seeking-to-make-russian-diaspora-a-soviet-style-political-weapon-against-west/.

68. Eleonora Tafuro, “Fatal Attraction? Russia’s Soft Power in Its Neighbourhood—Analysis,” FRIDE Policy Brief, no. 181 (May 2014), http://fride.org/download/PB_181_Russia_soft_power_in_its_neighbourhood.pdf; “World Russian Congress Kicks Off in Moscow,” Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, 1 December 2009, http://www.rferl.org/content/World_Russian_Congress_Kicks_Off_In_Moscow/1892547.html.

69. Igor Zevelev, “Russia’s Policy toward Compatriots in the Former Soviet Union,” Russia in Global Affairs, no. 1 (January–March 2008), http://eng.globalaffairs.ru/number/n_10351.

70. “Rossiya zaschitit sootechestvennikov v Abkhazii i Yuzhnoi Osetii voyennymi metodami,” Delfi, 25 April 2008, http://rus.delfi.ee/daily/abroad/rossiya-zaschitit-sootechestvennikov-v-abhazii-i-yuzhnoj-osetii-voennymi-metodami?id=18762901.

71. Pelnēns, The “Humanitarian Dimension” of Russian Foreign Policy , p. 96.

72. Ibid, p. 24.

73. Florian Mühlfried, “Citizenship at War: Passports and Nationality in the 2008 Russian-Georgian Conflict,” Anthropology Today 26, no. 2 (2010): 9.

74. Ibid, p. 13.

75. Pelnēns, The “Humanitarian Dimension” of Russian Foreign Policy , p. 120.

76. Ibid, p. 111.

77. Robert Coalson, “Pro-Russian Separatism Rises in Crimea as Ukraine’s Crisis Unfolds,” Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, http://www.rferl.org/content/ukraine-crimea-rising-separatism/25268303.html.

78. Gary Peach and Maria Danilova, “Russian Passport Handout Stirs Fears,” Moscow Times , 25 February 2009, http://www.themoscowtimes.com/sitemap/free/2009/2/article/russian-passport-handout-stirs-fears/374765.html.

79. “Compliance of the Russian Federation with the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination,” Russian NGOs’ Alternative Report , March 2008, http://www.memo.ru/hr/discrim/ver1/Report-ICERD-eng-site.html.

80. “Thousands of Moldovans Receive Pensions from Foreign Countries,” Teleradio Moldova, 16 August 2013, http://trm.md/en/social/mii-de-moldoveni-primesc-pensii-de-sute-de-euro-de-la-state-straiiiine/; Kamil Calus, “An Aided Economy: The Characteristics of the Transnistrian Economic Model,” OSW Commentary , no. 108 (14 May 2013), http://www.osw.waw.pl/sites/default/files/commentary_108.pdf.

81. Pelnēns, The “Humanitarian Dimension” of Russian Foreign Policy , p. 26.

82. Aleksandr Selivanov, “How Our Land Can Become Foreign Land: On the Architecture of the ‘Information War’ Against Russia,” Voyenno-Promyshlennyi Kur’er , March 21, 2007.

83. Allison Quinn, “State Media Giant Rossiya Segodnya to Launch New Agency in 45 Languages—Report,” Moscow Times , 5 November 2014, http://www.themoscowtimes.com/news/article/state-media-giant-rossiya-segodnya-to-launch-new-agency-in-45-languages-report-/510693.html; Paul Coyer, “The Media Battle for Hearts and Minds in Russia and Central Asia,” Forbes.com, 31 December 2014, http://www.forbes.com/sites/paulcoyer/2014/12/31/does-public-opinion-matter-to-authoritarian-leaders/.

84. Delphine D’Amora, “RT, TASS Face Huge Budget Cuts, Layoffs,” Russia Insider, 26 January 2015, http://russia-insider.com/en/2015/01/26/2740.

85. “Minkomsvyazi: Finansirovaniye RT i MIA “Rossiya segodnya” v valyute sokratitsya bolee chem v dva raza,” Vedomosti, 16 January 2015, http://www.vedomosti.ru/politics/news/2015/01/16/minkomsvyazi-finansirovanie.

86. Tina Burrett, Television and Presidential Power in Putin’s Russia (New York: Routledge, 2011), p. 49; Laura Belin, “Politics and the Mass Media under Putin,” in Russian Politics Under Putin , ed. Cameron Ross (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004), pp. 136–37.

87. “Information Security Doctrine of the Russian Federation,” Rossiiskaya gazeta , http://www.rg.ru/oficial/doc/min_and_vedom/mim_bezop/doctr.shtm.

88. Ulrich Clauss, “Deutsches Meinungsbild im Visier von Putins Agenten,” Die Welt , 12 June 2014, http://www.welt.de/politik/deutschland/article128985210/Deutsches-Meinungsbild-im-Visier-von-Putins-Agenten.html; Luminita Kohalmi, “Motorul geopolitic al războiului informaţional rusesc în Crimeea,” Universe Strategic: Revistă Universitară de Studii Strategice Interdisciplinare 5, no. 4, (October–December 2014): 247.

89. Jolanta Darczewska, “The Anatomy of Russian Information Warfare: The Crimean Operation, a Case Study,” Point of View (Centre For Eastern Studies, Warsaw), no. 42 (May 2014): 9.

90. Ibid, p. 10.

91. Dmitry Rogozin, ed., Voina i mir v terminakh i opredeleniyakh (Moscow: Veche, 2011), p. 32.

92. Ibid.

93. Timothy L. Thomas, “Russia’s Reflexive Control Theory and the Military,” Journal of Slavic Military Studies , no. 17 (2004): 237.

94. Ibid, p. 242.

95. “Yle Kioski Traces the Origins of Russian Social Media Propaganda—Never-before-seen Material from the Troll Factory,” Yle Kioski, 20 February 2015, http://kioski.yle.fi/omat/at-the-origins-of-russian-propaganda.

96. Anton Butsenko, “The Sad Life of Putin’s ‘Troll Army,’” Euromaidan Press, 2 November 2014, http://euromaidanpress.com/2014/11/02/the-sad-life-of-putins-troll-army/.

97. Ibid.

98. Mikle1, “Ukrainian Neo-Nazi,” 16 May 2014, http://mikle1.livejournal.com/4181696.html; Mikle1, “Who Are the Real Terrorists in Ukraine?” 23 May 2014, http://mikle1.livejournal.com/4229360.html.