Wars are fractal in nature. A war that kills more people than the devastating Second World War is possible—not likely, but not a zero probability, although such a war has never happened in the past.
Second, I will introduce an illustration from nature that will help to make the point about precision. A mountain is somewhat similar to a stone: it has an affinity with a stone, a family resemblance, but it is not identical. The word to describe such resemblances is self-affine , not the precise self-similar , but Mandelbrot had trouble communicating the notion of affinity, and the term self-similar spread with its connotation of precise resemblance rather than family resemblance. As with the mountain and the stone, the distribution of wealth above $1 billion is not exactly the same as that below $1 billion, but the two distributions have “affinity.”
Third, I said earlier that there have been plenty of papers in the world of econophysics (the application of statistical physics to social and economic phenomena) aiming at such calibration, at pulling numbers from the world of phenomena. Many try to be predictive. Alas, we are not able to predict “transitions” into crises or contagions. My friend Didier Sornette attempts to build predictive models, which I love, except that I can not use them to make predictions—but please don’t tell him; he might stop building them. That I can’t use them as he intends does not invalidate his work, it just makes the interpretations require broad-minded thinking, unlike models in conventional economics that are fundamentally flawed. We may be able to do well with some of Sornette’s phenomena, but not all.
WHERE IS THE GRAY SWAN?
I have written this entire book about the Black Swan. This is not because I am in love with the Black Swan; as a humanist, I hate it. I hate most of the unfairness and damage it causes. Thus I would like to eliminate many Black Swans, or at least to mitigate their effects and be protected from them. Fractal randomness is a way to reduce these surprises, to make some of the swans appear possible, so to speak, to make us aware of their consequences, to make them gray. But fractal randomness does not yield precise answers . The benefits are as follows. If you know that the stock market can crash, as it did in 1987, then such an event is not a Black Swan. The crash of 1987 is not an outlier if you use a fractal with an exponent of three. If you know that biotech companies can deliver a megablockbuster drug, bigger than all we’ve had so far, then it won’t be a Black Swan, and you will not be surprised, should that drug appear.
Thus Mandelbrot’s fractals allow us to account for a few Black Swans, but not all. I said earlier that some Black Swans arise because we ignore sources of randomness. Others arise when we overestimate the fractal exponent. A gray swan concerns modelable extreme events, a black swan is about unknown unknowns.
I sat down and discussed this with the great man, and it became, as usual, a linguistic game. In Chapter 9 I presented the distinction economists make between Knightian uncertainty (incomputable) and Knightian risk (computable); this distinction cannot be so original an idea to be absent in our vocabulary, and so we looked for it in French. Mandelbrot mentioned one of his friends and prototypical heroes, the aristocratic mathematician Marcel-Paul Schützenberger, a fine erudite who (like this author) was easily bored and could not work on problems beyond their point of diminishing returns. Schützenberger insisted on the clear-cut distinction in the French language between hasard and fortuit. Hasard , from the Arabic az-zahr , implies, like alea , dice—tractable randomness; fortuit is my Black Swan—the purely accidental and unforeseen. We went to the Petit Robert dictionary; the distinction effectively exists there. Fortuit seems to correspond to my epistemic opacity, l’imprévu et non quantifiable; hasard to the more ludic type of uncertainty that was proposed by the Chevalier de Méré in the early gambling literature. Remarkably, the Arabs may have introduced another word to the business of uncertainty: rizk , meaning property.
I repeat: Mandelbrot deals with gray swans; I deal with the Black Swan. So Mandelbrot domesticated many of my Black Swans, but not all of them, not completely. But he shows us a glimmer of hope with his method, a way to start thinking about the problems of uncertainty. You are indeed much safer if you know where the wild animals are.
* The nontechnical reader can skip from here until the end of the chapter.
* By using symmetry we could also examine the incidences below the number.
* Clearly, you do not observe 100 percent in a finite sample .
* The defense mechanism when you question their work is to say that they “do science, not philosophy” and to berate my approach of worrying about model errors. This is a common trap: people think that science is about formulating predictions (even when wrong). To me, science is about how not to be a sucker.
Chapter Seventeen

LOCKE’S MADMEN, OR BELL CURVES IN THE WRONG PLACES *
What?—Anyone can become president—Alfred Nobel’s legacy—Those medieval days

I have in my house two studies: one real, with interesting books and literary material; the other nonliterary, where I do not enjoy working, where I relegate matters prosaic and narrowly focused. In the nonliterary study is a wall full of books on statistics and the history of statistics, books I never had the fortitude to burn or throw away; though I find them largely useless outside of their academic applications (Carneades, Cicero, and Foucher know a lot more about probability than all these pseudosophisticated volumes). I cannot use them in class because I promised myself never to teach trash, even if dying of starvation. Why can’t I use them? Not one of these books deals with Extremistan. Not one. The few books that do are not by statisticians but by statistical physicists. We are teaching people methods from Mediocristan and turning them loose in Extremistan. It is like developing a medicine for plants and applying it to humans. It is no wonder that we run the biggest risk of all: we handle matters that belong to Extremistan, but treated as if they belonged to Mediocristan , as an “approximation.”
Several hundred thousand students in business schools and social science departments from Singapore to Urbana-Champaign, as well as people in the business world, continue to study “scientific” methods, all grounded in the Gaussian, all embedded in the ludic fallacy.
This chapter examines disasters stemming from the application of phony mathematics to social science. The real topic might be the dangers to our society brought about by the Swedish academy that awards the Nobel Prize.
Only Fifty Years
Let us return to the story of my business life. Look at the graph in Figure 14. In the last fifty years, the ten most extreme days in the financial markets represent half the returns. Ten days in fifty years. Meanwhile, we are mired in chitchat.
Clearly, anyone who wants more than the high number of six sigma as proof that markets are from Extremistan needs to have his head examined. Dozens of papers show the inadequacy of the Gaussian family of distributions and the scalable nature of markets. Recall that, over the years, I myself have run statistics backward and forward on 20 million pieces of data that made me despise anyone talking about markets in Gaussian terms. But people have a hard time making the leap to the consequences of this knowledge.
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