Günter Bischof - The Prague Spring and the Warsaw Pact Invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968

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On August 20, 1968, tens of thousands of Soviet and East European ground and air forces moved into Czechoslovakia and occupied the country in an attempt to end the “Prague Spring” reforms and restore an orthodox Communist regime. The leader of the Soviet Communist Party, Leonid Brezhnev, was initially reluctant to use military force and tried to pressure his counterpart in Czechoslovakia, Alexander Dubcek, to crack down. But during the summer of 1968, after several months of careful deliberations, the Soviet Politburo finally decided that military force was the only option left. A large invading force of Soviet, Polish, Hungarian, and Bulgarian troops received final orders to move into Czechoslovakia; within 24 hours they had established complete military control of Czechoslovakia, bringing an end to hopes for “socialism with a human face.”
Dubcek and most of the other Czechoslovak reformers were temporarily restored to power, but their role from late August 1968 through April 1969 was to reverse many of the reforms that had been adopted. In April 1969, Dubchek was forced to step down for good, bringing a final end to the Prague Spring. Soviet leaders justified the invasion of Czechoslovakia by claiming that “the fate of any socialist country is the common affair of all socialist countries” and that the Soviet Union had both a “right” and a “sacred duty” to “defend socialism” in Czechoslovakia. The invasion caused some divisions within the Communist world, but overall the use of large-scale force proved remarkably successful in achieving Soviet goals. The United States and its NATO allies protested but refrained from direct military action and covert operations to counter the Soviet-led incursion into Czechoslovakia.
The essays of a dozen leading European and American Cold War historians analyze this turning point in the Cold War in light of new documentary evidence from the archives of two dozen countries and explain what happened behind the scenes. They also reassess the weak response of the United States and consider whether Washington might have given a “green light,” if only inadvertently, to the Soviet Union prior to the invasion.

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23. G. Harrison to Mr. HFT Smith (Head of the Northern Dept.), Foreign Office, 17 January 1968, DBPO , 6.

24. Hayman (asst. undersecretary of state) to Harrison, Moscow, NS 3/18, DBPO , 26–27.

25. Robert G. Patman, The Soviet Union in the Horn of Africa: The Diplomacy of Intervention and Disengagement (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 80–87.

26. Neil S. MacFarlane, “Successes and Failures in Soviet Policy toward Marxist Revolutions in the Third World, 1917–1985,” in The USSR and Marxist Revolutions in the Third World , ed. Mark N. Katz (New York: Woodrow Wilson International Centre for Scholars, 1990), 35; Odd Arne Westad, “The Fall of Détente and the Turning Tides of History,” in The Fall of Détente: Soviet-American Relations during the Carter Years , ed. Odd Arne Westad (Oslo: Scandinavian University Press, 1997), 11–19.

27. Lawrence S. Kaplan, NATO and the United States (New York: Twayne, 1994), 82–84; Lawrence S. Kaplan, The Long Entanglement: NATO’s First Fifty Years (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1999), 99–111; Helga Haftendorn, NATO and the Nuclear Revolution: A Crisis of Credibility, 1966–1967 (Oxford: Clarendon Press Oxford, 1996), 1–11.

28. Christoph Bluth, Britain, Germany and Western Nuclear Strategy (Oxford: Clarendon Press Oxford, 1995), 95–104; Saki Dockrill, “Britain’s Power and Influence: Dealing with Three Roles and the Wilson Government’s Defense Debate at Chequers in November 1964,” Diplomacy & Statecraft 11, no. 1 (March 2000): 227–34.

29. Frédéric Bozo, Deux Stratégies pour l’Europe: De Gaulle les États-Unis et L’alliance Atlantique , 1958–1969 (Paris: Plon, 1996), 72–77, 102–32, 133–66; Haftendorn, NATO , 13.

30. Simon W. Duke and Wolfgang Krieger, eds., U.S. Military Forces in Europe: The Early Years, 1945–1970 (Boulder: Westview, 1993); Olaf Mager, Die Stationierung der britischen Rheinarmee-Großbritanniens EVG-Alternative (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 1990); Saki Dockrill, “Retreat from the Continent? Britain’s Motives for Troop Reductions in West Germany, 1955–1958,” Journal of Strategic Studies 20, no. 3 (September 1997): 45–70; Saki Dockrill, “No Troops, Please. We Are American—the Diplomacy of Burden Sharing in the case of the Radford Plan, 1956”; Hand-Joachim Harder, Von Truman bis Harmel: Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland im Spanningsfeld von NATO und europäischer Integration (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2000), 121–31; Hubert Zimmerman, “The Sour Fruits of Victory: Sterling and Security in Anglo-German Relations during the 1950s and 1960s,” Contemporary European History 9, no. 2 (2000): 225–43.

31. Kaplan, Long Entanglement , 139, 152; Dockrill, East of Suez , 165.

32. Sir D. Greenhill (deputy undersecretary of state at Foreign Office) to GoreBooth, 29 January 1968, Prime Minister’s Office minutes, PREM13/2402, TNA; See also Young, The Labour Governments , 129.

33. Gerald Brooke (a British citizen) was tried by a Moscow court and was sentenced to one year in prison followed by four further years serving in a labor camp, for “importing bibles” into the USSR. The case was not resolved until 1969 when the Wilson government decided to exchange Brooke with two U.S. intelligence agents who were spying for the Soviet Union and were arrested in the United Kingdom in 1961. See Young, The Labour Governments , 129; see also Harrison (Moscow) to H. F. T. Smith, Foreign Office, NS 3/3, 17 January 1968, DBOP , 7.

34. Cabinet Defense and Overseas Policy Committee memoranda, OPD (68) 45 “Relations with the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe,” 17 June 1968, CAB 148/37, TNA.

35. Ben Fowkes, The Rise and Fall of Communism in Eastern Europe (Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 1995), 121–22; R. J. Crampton, Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century and After (London: Routledge, 1997 ) , 315–19.

36. Crampton, Eastern Europe , 326–40.

37. “Record of the 9th meeting of the Conference of Her Majesty’s Representatives in Eastern Europe,” 10 May 1968, DBPO , 45–48.

38. OPD (68)45, 17 June 1968, CAB 148/37, TNA (see note 34).

39. OPD (68)45, 17 June 1968, CAB 148/37, TNA.

40. McGill, “The Politics of Collective Inaction,” 124.

41. Wilfried Loth, “Moscow, Prague and Warsaw: Overcoming the Brezhnev Doctrine,” Cold War History 1, no. 2 (January 2001): 105–6.

42. Vladislav Zubok, “The Brezhnev Factor in Détente, 1968–1972,” in Cold War and the Policy of Détente: Problems and Discussions , ed. N. I. Yegorova (Moscow: Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Universal History, 2003), 291–92; Andrei Gromyko, Memories (London: Hutchinson, 1989), 232–33; Mark Kramer, “Ideology and the Cold War,” Review of International Studies 25, no. 4 (October 1999): 545.

43. Loth, “Overcoming the Brezhnev Doctrine,” 108; Anatolii Dobrynin, In Confidence: Moscow’s Ambassador to America’s Six Cold War Presidents (New York: Random House, 1995), 184.

44. Crampton, Eastern Europe , 336, 337–40.

45. Cradock, Know Your Enemy , 241, 249.

46. See the editors’ (Gill Bennett, Keith Hamilton, et al.) comments, DBPO , 65.

47. Young, Labour Governments , 14–16.

48. Cradock, Knowing Your Enemy , 252.

49. Redacted version of the “Nicoll Report: The JIC and Warning of Aggression in May 2007,” in Michael S. Goodman, “The Dog That Didn’t Bark: The Joint Intelligence Committee and Warning of Aggression,” Cold War History 7, no. 4 (November 2007): 537–38; see also Tom Bower, The Perfect English Spy: Sir Dick White and the Secret War, 1935–1990 (London: Mandarin, 1996), 362–63.

50. Cradock, Know Your Enemy , 251; Loth, “Overcoming the Brezhnev Doctrine,” 107.

51. Cradock, Know Your Enemy , 249.

52. Stewart to Harrison, Moscow (letter), 24 July 1968, DBOP , 68.

53. Cradock, Know Your Enemy , 252.

54. Young, Labour Governments , 133.

55. Cabinet memoranda, CC (68) 38, 22 August 1968, CAB 128/43, TNA; OPD (68)17th mtg., 25 September 1968, CAB 148/35, TNA; Denis Healey, The Time of My Life (London: Michael Joseph, 1989), 320; Anthony Howard, ed., The Crossman Diaries, 1964–1970 (London: Hamish Hamilton & Jonathan Cape, 1979), 466–68; Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) to certain diplomatic missions, tel. 86 guidance, 18 April 1969, PREM 13/2553, TNA.

56. CC (68) 38, 22 August 1968, CAB 128/43, TNA.

57. Howard, Crossman Diaries , 467–68.

58. Dobrynin, In Confidence , 185.

59. McGill, “The Politics of Collective Inaction,” 132.

60. OPD (68) 58, 20 September 1968, CAB 148/38, TNA.

61. OPD (68) 58, 20 September 1968, CAB 148/38, TNA.

62. OPD (68) 58, 20 September 1968, CAB 148/38, TNA.

63. OPD (68) 58, 20 September 1968, CAB 148/38, TNA; see also OPD (68) 63 (Joint memorandum by Michael Stewart and Denis Healey), 28 October 1968, CAB 148/38, TNA.

64. OPD (68)17th mtg., 25 September 1968, CAB 148/35, NSA ; OPD (68)63, 28 October 1968, CAB 148/38, TNA.

65. Loth, “Moscow, Prague and Warsaw,” 108; Odd Arne Westad, introduction in The Soviet Union in Eastern Europe, 1945–1989 , ed. Odd Arne Westad et al. (Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 1994), 5.

66. Raymond L. Garthoff, Détente and Confrontation: American-Soviet Relations from Nixon to Reagan (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1994), 40, 41–57.

67. Young, Labour Governments , 135; Hughes, “Giving the Russians a Bloody Nose,” 235–36.

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