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terry flew
polity
Copyright © Terry Flew 2021
The right of Terry Flew to be identified as Author of this Work has been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
First published in 2021 by Polity Press
Polity Press
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All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.
ISBN-13: 978-1-5095-3707-5
ISBN-13: 978-1-5095-3708-2(pb)
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Control Number: 2021940656
by Fakenham Prepress Solutions, Fakenham, Norfolk NR21 8NL
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Every effort has been made to trace all copyright holders, but if any have been overlooked the publisher will be pleased to include any necessary credits in any subsequent reprint or edition.
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The primary aim of Regulating Platforms is twofold. First, the book aims to provide an overview of the issues that are currently arising, as governments throughout the world address the social, economic, political, and cultural implications of digital platforms and their power to shape online interactions at a time when most of the world’s population relies on the internet more than ever before. The book asks practical questions such as how to define platforms and delineate their different types, what is the mixture of issues of concern about the power of digital platforms, and what can be learnt from the initiatives that both state and non-state actors – including the digital platform companies themselves and the third-party regulators they have summoned into existence – have thrown at the growing array of policymakers, politicians, regulators, corporate advisors, academics, and activists engaged with these issues.
The book also has a second, more normative focus. It asks the question: why now? After a period of over two decades of broad consensus, at least in the western capitalist world, that the best approach to the internet that policymakers could take was to do very little, why did internet governance and regulation surge onto the global agenda in the mid-2010s, and why has it remained there ever since? We are coming to the end of a long period of ‘soft globalism’ and polycentric governance of the internet at the international level, a period during which the prevailing view was that the best decisions were those made by ‘rough consensus’ in multistakeholder forums where governments were a relatively minor player. Why did we see the resurgence of tech nationalism? Why did governments start to ban the platforms of other countries, triggering concerns about a global ‘splinternet’?
It is not hard to see when the sea change in attitudes towards the regulation of online environments happened. In the United States, it can be located in the transition from the Obama administration to the Trump presidency and in the range of concerns that the 2016 presidential election raised, from the circulation of fake news on social media platforms to allegations of electoral interference by foreign powers. The European Union chose to act on widespread concerns about the misuse of personal data online; the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) was enacted in 2016 and came into law in 2018, setting rules about how digital platforms and other online entities could make use of material provided by online ‘data subjects’. The GDPR demonstrated that the online environment, long held to constitute a realm beyond the territorial sovereignty and policy knowledge of governments, could in principle be regulated, and that digital tech giants would respond appropriately to the regulation of their activities by sovereign political entities. The GDPR preceded the Cambridge Analytica scandal – that is, the revelations of whistleblower Christopher Wylie to the Guardian ’s journalist Carole Cadwalladr, in 2018, about how data gathered through Facebook were onsold to political campaigns such as the Vote Leave group in the 2016 Brexit referendum in the United Kingdom and the Trump campaign in the United States. Even so, the scandal threw into very sharp relief a range of concerns that had been simmering about the power of digital platforms and the possibilities of misuing it. Discussion of a ‘global techlash’ and the rise of the FAANG or FAMGA – acronyms for Facebook, Apple, Amazon, Netflix, and Google or, in a different version, Facebook, Apple, Microsoft, Google, and Amazon – became commonplace.
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