C. Fred Bergsten - The United States vs. China

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After leading the world economy for a century, the United States faces the first real challenge to its supremacy in the rise of China. Is economic (or broader) conflict, well beyond the trade and technology war that has already erupted, inevitable between the world’s two superpowers? Will their clash produce a new economic leadership vacuum akin to the 1930s, when Great Britain was unable to play its traditional leadership role and a rising United States was unwilling to step in to save the global order?
In this sweeping and authoritative analysis of the competition for global economic leadership between China and the United States, C. Fred Bergsten warns of the disastrous consequences of hostile confrontation between these two superpowers. He paints a frightening picture of a world economy adopting Chinese characteristics, in which the United States, after Trump abdicated much of its role, engages in a self-defeating attempt to “decouple” from its rival. Drawing on more than 50 years of active participation as a policymaker and close observation as a scholar, Bergsten calls on China to exercise constructive global leadership in its own self-interest and on the United States to reject a policy of containment, avoid a new Cold War, and instead pursue “conditional competitive cooperation” to work with its allies, and especially China, to lead, rather than destroy, the world economy.

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THE UNITED STATES VS. CHINA

The Quest for Global Economic Leadership

C. Fred Bergsten

polity

Copyright © C. Fred Bergsten 2022

The right of C. Fred Bergsten to be identified as Author of this Work has been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

First published in 2022 by Polity Press

Polity Press

65 Bridge Street

Cambridge CB2 1UR, UK

Polity Press

101 Station Landing

Suite 300

Medford, MA 02155, USA

All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.

ISBN-13: 978-1-5095-4736-4

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Library of Congress Control Number: 2021944914

The publisher has used its best endeavors to ensure that the URLs for external websites referred to in this book are correct and active at the time of going to press. However, the publisher has no responsibility for the websites and can make no guarantee that a site will remain live or that the content is or will remain appropriate.

Every effort has been made to trace all copyright holders, but if any have been overlooked the publisher will be pleased to include any necessary credits in any subsequent reprint or edition.

For further information on Polity, visit our website:

politybooks.com

Preface

In October 1993, President Bill Clinton was preparing to host the first-ever summit of leaders of the top powers of the Asia Pacific region: China, Japan, South Korea, Indonesia, and a dozen others, along with the United States. I briefed him at the White House on the main recommendations of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum’s Eminent Persons Group, which I chaired: that the upcoming meeting agree to establish a “community of Asia Pacific nations” that would seek to achieve “free and open trade and investment in the region by 2020.” The President agreed with those proposals and led their unanimous approval at the summit a month later, accelerating the integration and expansion of the most dynamic region of the world economy. 1

Before deciding to do so, President Clinton asked the question that is even more central to US and global economic policy today than it was then: will China simply take the huge opportunities that have been offered to it, to benefit from an open world economy and access to the world’s most important markets, and then “tell us bye-bye when they no longer need us?” Like seven other US presidents before and after him, Clinton decided to gamble on engaging with China – at a time when the United States, basking in the glow of winning the Cold War, was near the peak of its global economic power and leadership position, and China was still in the early stages of its stunning rise.

A number of Americans, including former President Trump, now believe that was a huge mistake and want to reverse the policy. They fear that China will overtake the United States as a regional and even global power, and represents an existential threat to its world leadership, perhaps even its national security. They argue that “the China shock” and many of China’s policies are severely damaging the US economy. They worry that the American model of market economics and democratic politics may give way to China’s state capitalism and authoritarian rule. They conclude that China must be confronted and contained. The trade wars from 2017 could be just the start of prolonged and escalating hostilities between the economic superpowers.

China is indeed rising rapidly. Its economy is already larger than that of the United States on some measures, and is growing at least twice as fast. It is the world’s largest trading country and, by far, holder of foreign exchange reserves. It has accounted for a quarter to a third of total world growth for more than a decade – far more than the United States. Its technological capability is growing rapidly and already rivals the United States in such keys areas as the Internet and artificial intelligence (AI).

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