Günter Bischof - The Prague Spring and the Warsaw Pact Invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968

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On August 20, 1968, tens of thousands of Soviet and East European ground and air forces moved into Czechoslovakia and occupied the country in an attempt to end the “Prague Spring” reforms and restore an orthodox Communist regime. The leader of the Soviet Communist Party, Leonid Brezhnev, was initially reluctant to use military force and tried to pressure his counterpart in Czechoslovakia, Alexander Dubcek, to crack down. But during the summer of 1968, after several months of careful deliberations, the Soviet Politburo finally decided that military force was the only option left. A large invading force of Soviet, Polish, Hungarian, and Bulgarian troops received final orders to move into Czechoslovakia; within 24 hours they had established complete military control of Czechoslovakia, bringing an end to hopes for “socialism with a human face.”
Dubcek and most of the other Czechoslovak reformers were temporarily restored to power, but their role from late August 1968 through April 1969 was to reverse many of the reforms that had been adopted. In April 1969, Dubchek was forced to step down for good, bringing a final end to the Prague Spring. Soviet leaders justified the invasion of Czechoslovakia by claiming that “the fate of any socialist country is the common affair of all socialist countries” and that the Soviet Union had both a “right” and a “sacred duty” to “defend socialism” in Czechoslovakia. The invasion caused some divisions within the Communist world, but overall the use of large-scale force proved remarkably successful in achieving Soviet goals. The United States and its NATO allies protested but refrained from direct military action and covert operations to counter the Soviet-led incursion into Czechoslovakia.
The essays of a dozen leading European and American Cold War historians analyze this turning point in the Cold War in light of new documentary evidence from the archives of two dozen countries and explain what happened behind the scenes. They also reassess the weak response of the United States and consider whether Washington might have given a “green light,” if only inadvertently, to the Soviet Union prior to the invasion.

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63. See, for example, the intervention by Jean Kanapa in Comité Central 18–19 January 1974, transcripts from CC du PCF, Année 1974, CD 8, track 3, APCF.

64. Both quotes from Roger, The American Enemy , 405.

65. Memo conversation Raymond Barre (vice president of Commission of European Communities) with George S. Springsteen (deputy assistant secretary for European affairs), Abraham Katz, Director’s Office of OECD, European Community and Atlantic Political-Economic Affairs, 5 June 1968, FRUS, 1964–68, XIII: 699–705.

66. Georges Marchais, “De faux révolutionnaires à démasquer,” L’Humanité , 3 May 1968; Rochet report “Les événements de mai-juin 1968,” CC 8–9 July 1968, Nanterre, Cote 4AV10/128, transcript from CD n. 18, APCF; cf. Annie Kriegel, Les communistes français (Paris: Seouil, 1985), 317–42; Roger Martelli, Mai 68 (Paris: Messidor/Editions Sociales, 1988); for connection with Prague Spring and Soviet influence on the PCF’s perceptions of May events cf. Gael Moullec, “Mai 1968, le PCF et l’Union Sovietique: Notes des entretiens entre les dirigeants du PCF et l’ambassadeur soviétique en France,” Communisme 53–54 (1998): 151–64.

67. Giorgio Amendola, “Necessità della lotta sui due fronti,” Rinascita , 7 June 1968; Amendola in meeting Direz. 6 June 1968, VD, mf 020, APCI; Pier Paolo Pasolini, “Il PCI ai giovani!” (October 1968), in Empirismo eretico (Milan: Garzanti, 1981), 151–59, also highlighted in Höbel, “Il PCI di Longo e il ’68 studentesco,” cit., 442. On “strategia dell’attenzione,” see Luigi Longo, “Il movimento studentesco nella lotta anticapitalistica,” in Rinascita-Il Contemporaneo , 3 May 1968. In general, see Sidney Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder: Protest and Politics in Italy, 1965–1975 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1989); Robert Lumley, States of Emergency: Cultures of Revolt in Italy from 1968 to 1978 (London: Verso, 1990); Paul Ginsborg, A History of Contemporary Italy: Society and Politics, 1943–1988 (London: Penguin, 1990), chap. 9; and Luisa Passerini, Autobiography of a Generation , trans. Lisa Erdberg (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 1996).

68. Jeremi Suri, Power and Protest: Global Revolution and the Rise of Détente (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003). On de Gaulle in this sense see Georges-Henri Soutou, “Paris and the Prague Spring,” in this volume.

69. Quoted Judt, Postwar , 421. Cf. Gerd-Rainer Horn, “The Changing Nature of the European Working Class: The Rise and Fall of the ‘New Working Class’ (France, Italy, Spain, Czechoslovakia),” in Fink et al., 1968 .

70. Occhetto in Direzione nazionale della FGCI, “Atti del convegno nazionale degli studenti universitari comunisti: Firenze, Palagio di Parte Guelfa, 17-18-19 marzo 1968,” in Nuova Generazione , 6 July 1968, pp. 63–66; also in Höbel, “Il PCI di Longo” (Longo quoted ivi 438).

71. Achille Occhetto, A dieci anni dal ’68 , interviewed by Walter Veltroni (Rome: Editori Riuniti, 1978), 90–94.

72. Courtois and Lazar, Histoire du PCF , 355–56; cf. Pierre Grémion, Paris/Prague: La gauche française face au renouveau et à la régression tchéchoslovaques, 1968–1978 (Paris: Julliard, 1984); “Communiqué du Bureau Politique sur un livre de Roger Garaudy,” Cahiers du communisme 46, no. 1 (January 1970): 117–18.

73. Quoted in Drake, Intellectuals and Politics , 135; cf. Ian H. Birchall, Sartre against Stalinism (New York: Berghahn, 2004), 199–220.

74. Giuseppe Vacca, “Politica e teoria nel marxismo italiano degli anni sessanta,” in Il marxismo italiano degli anni sessanta: La formazione teorico-politica delle nuove generazioni , ed. Istituto Gramsci (Rome: Editori Riuniti-Istituto Gramsci, 1972); Albertina Vittoria, Togliatti e gli intellettuali: Storia dell’Istituto Gramsci negli anni cinquanta e sessanta (Rome: Editori Riuniti, 1992).

75. Quoted Judt, Postwar , 403, and Raymond, The French Communist Party during the Fifth Republic , 159. Cf. Fuchsmann, “Karl Marx, notre contemporain,” cit., 78–88; cf. Bernard Brillant, “Intellectuels: Les ombres changeantes de Mai 68,” Vingtieme Siecle 98 (2008): 89–99; Gramsci, Lukacs, and Luxemburg were also rediscovered in the 1960s; they all disagreed with most Leninist practices.

76. Gianfranco Corsini, “L’America del dissenso,” Il Contemporaneo/Rinascita , March 1966.

77. Memo by Union des Ecrivains (to Cultural section BP), “À Propos de la Politique Culturelle,” 2 February 1971, drafted by Bernard Pingaud, Fonds Roland Leroy, 263 J 65, APCF.

78. On the PCF and “Malthusianism,” see adoption Resolution Veermesch in Decisions BP, 13 April 1956; see also Dec. BP, 30 November 1961, APCF; cf. Yvonne Dumont, “Les femmes, leurs problèmes et leurs luttes,” Cahiers du communisme 44, no. 1 (January 1967): 75–84; last quotation from Gundle, Between Hollywood and Moscow , 150.

79. See, in particular, comments by Sereni and Amendola in meeting Direzione 5 April 1967, VD, APCI.

80. Quoted in Pons, Berlinguer e la fine del comunismo , 43–44.

81. Judt, Postwar , 447–49. For a recent similar view see also the thorough analysis by Michael Seidman, The Imaginary Revolution: Parisian Students and Workers in 1968 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2004); for a different view, see Kristin Ross, May ’68 and Its Afterlives (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002). Ross and Seidman, however, concur on the importance of the transformative power that the media and the intellectual debate attributed to those events, regardless of their actual effects on French and Western life. See also, for most recent debate, Xavier Vigna, “Clio contre Carvalho. L’ historiographie de ’68,” RILI 5 (May–June 2008); Kristin Ross, Nicolas Hatzfeld, Antoine Artous, “Mai ’68: Le débat continue,” RILI 6 (July–August 2008). See also Robert Gildea, “1968 in 2008,” History Today 58, no. 5 (2008): 22–25, and Gian Carlo Marino, Biografia del sessantotto: Utopie, conquiste, sbandamenti (Milan: Bompiani, 2004).

82. Charles S. Maier, “The Politics of Productivity: Foundations of American International Economic Policy After World War II,” International Organization 3 (1977); David Ellwood, “The American Challenge and the Origins of the Politics of Growth,” in Making the New Europe: European Unity and the Second World War , ed. Peter M. Smith and M. L. Stirk (London: Pinter, 1993), 183–94; Richard F. Kuisel, Seducing the French: The Dilemma of Americanization (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), chap. 4; Bryan Angus McKenzie, Remaking France: Americanization , Public Diplomacy, and the Marshall Plan (New York: Berghahn Books, 2003); Charles S. Maier, “The Cold War as an Era of Imperial Rivalry,” in Reinterpreting the End of the Cold War , ed. Silvio Pons and Federico Romero (London: Frank Cass, 2005).

83. On U.S. reactions to Communist politics and propaganda in France and Italy and for the comments in the following paragraphs, I am referring to Alessandro Brogi, Confronting Anti-Americanism: The United States’ Cold War against the Communists in France and Italy , forthcoming from the University of North Carolina Press.

84. Intelligence Report no. 6140, “The French Communist Party: Its 1952 Record and Prospects for 1953,” 30 December 1952, Office of Intelligence and Research, RG 59, NARA.

85. On these aspects, besides my forthcoming book, see also Kenneth Osgood, Total Cold War: Eisenhower’s Secret Propaganda Battle at Home and Abroad (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2006); and Volker R. Berghahn, America and the Intellectual Cold Wars in Europe: Shepard Stone between Philanthropy, Academy, and Diplomacy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001).

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