Günter Bischof - The Prague Spring and the Warsaw Pact Invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968

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On August 20, 1968, tens of thousands of Soviet and East European ground and air forces moved into Czechoslovakia and occupied the country in an attempt to end the “Prague Spring” reforms and restore an orthodox Communist regime. The leader of the Soviet Communist Party, Leonid Brezhnev, was initially reluctant to use military force and tried to pressure his counterpart in Czechoslovakia, Alexander Dubcek, to crack down. But during the summer of 1968, after several months of careful deliberations, the Soviet Politburo finally decided that military force was the only option left. A large invading force of Soviet, Polish, Hungarian, and Bulgarian troops received final orders to move into Czechoslovakia; within 24 hours they had established complete military control of Czechoslovakia, bringing an end to hopes for “socialism with a human face.”
Dubcek and most of the other Czechoslovak reformers were temporarily restored to power, but their role from late August 1968 through April 1969 was to reverse many of the reforms that had been adopted. In April 1969, Dubchek was forced to step down for good, bringing a final end to the Prague Spring. Soviet leaders justified the invasion of Czechoslovakia by claiming that “the fate of any socialist country is the common affair of all socialist countries” and that the Soviet Union had both a “right” and a “sacred duty” to “defend socialism” in Czechoslovakia. The invasion caused some divisions within the Communist world, but overall the use of large-scale force proved remarkably successful in achieving Soviet goals. The United States and its NATO allies protested but refrained from direct military action and covert operations to counter the Soviet-led incursion into Czechoslovakia.
The essays of a dozen leading European and American Cold War historians analyze this turning point in the Cold War in light of new documentary evidence from the archives of two dozen countries and explain what happened behind the scenes. They also reassess the weak response of the United States and consider whether Washington might have given a “green light,” if only inadvertently, to the Soviet Union prior to the invasion.

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30. Dec. BP 14 August 1968, APCF; Höbel, “Il PCI, il ’68 cecoslovacco,” 1150–51; Silvio Pons, Berlinguer e la fine del comunismo (Turin: Einaudi, 2006), 11.

31. See, for example, Colombi in Mtg. Direzione 23 August 1968, mf 020, APCI; cf. Giuseppe Boffa, “La crisi cecoslovacca,” in Luigi Longo , cit., 114; Jeannette Vermeersch in Comité Central (hereafter CC), 20–21 October 1968, Ivry sur Seine, transcripts of audio CD n. 41 and 42, Cote AV: 4AV10/151, APCF.

32. Berlinguer in Mtg. Direzione, 18 September 1968, cit. 939. Sergio Dalmasso, Il caso “Manifesto,” e il PCI degli anni ’60 (Turin: Cric, 1989), 69–70.

33. Marini, “La repressione della primavera,” 123–24; Dec. BP, 17 January 1969, APCF; letter Marchais to BP, 18 December 1969; quoted Philippe Fuchsmann, “Karl Marx, notre contemporain,” Cahiers du communisme 45, no. 2 (February 1969); see also “Communiqué du Bureau Politique sur un nouveau livre de Roger Garaudy,”

34. Amendola in Mtg. Direzione 7–8 May 1969, VD, mf 06; cf. Ufficio Segreteria, 2 September 1968, 1488, mf 020, APCI.

35. See, for example, Bufalini in Mtg. Direzione 18 September 1968, mf 020, APCI; cf. Pons, Berlinguer e la fine del comunismo , 9; Giorgio Amendola, “Il nostro internazionalismo,” Rinascita , 6 September 1968. Giorgio Napolitano in Mtg. Direzione, 8 November 1968, 1123, mf. 020, APCI. Report Billoux to Bureau Politique, in Dec. BP 7 August 1969, APCF.

36. Letter Charles Fourniau to Secretariat, 4 April 1968, Fonds Gaston Plissonnier 264 J, Box 2, and Dec. BP 14 August 1968, APCF; memo conversation Leroy-Favaro, 16 September 1968, Fonds Roland Leroy, 263 J 65, box 37, APCF; Tel. A-1564 U.S. embassy to the Department of State, 1 March 1968, POL 12 FR and Reinhardt to State Deptartment, 20 May 1965, POL 12 IT, RG 59, NA.

37. Amendola intervention at Central Committee PCI, in L’Unità , 28 August 1968.

38. Cf. Giorgio Amendola, “Il nostro internazionalismo,” Rinascita , 6 September 1968; on Amendola’s pro-EEC choices cf. Roberto Gualtieri, “Giorgio Amendola dirigente del PCI,” Passato e Presente 24, no. 67 (2006). On PCF’s persistent skepticism see Charles Fiterman, “Pour une Europe indépendante, démocratique et pacifique,” Cahiers du communisme 44, no. 2 (April 1968): 14–26. On U.S. fears of conflict with Moscow see Günter Bischof, “‘No Action’: The Johnson Administration and the Warsaw Pact Invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968,” in this volume.

39. Special Report CIA: “Italian Communist Party Draws Further Away from Moscow,” 25 October 1968, FRUS, 1964–68, XII: doc. 144.

40. On Paul VI, see Enzo Roggi, “Una pagina di storia rivelata: ‘Così Paolo VI scrisse a Ho Chi Minh,’” Circolo Partito Democratico RAI—Comunicazione , http://www.dsrai.it, accessed March 2008.

41. Luca Pavolini, “Autonomia e internazionalismo,” Rinascita , 26 July 1968.

42. Gundle, Between Moscow and Hollywood , 133; Pons, Berlinguer e la fine del comunismo , 13.

43. Ackley to State Department, 13 September 1968, POL 12 It, RG 59, NA; Berlinguer in Mtg. Direzione 5 December 1974, VD, mf. 073, APCI.

44. Tel. Paris embassy to Department of State, 10 October 1968, FRUS 1964–68, XII: doc. 84.

45. In general, on this topic see Valerio Riva, Oro di Mosca. I finanziamenti sovietici al PCI dalla Rivoluzione d’ottobre al crollo dell’URSS (Milan: Mondadori, 1999).

46. On redefinition of Soviet national security, see Matthew J. Ouimet, The Rise and Fall of the Brezhnev Doctrine in Soviet Foreign Policy (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003). Amendola in Mtg. Direzione 8 January 1971, mf 017, APCI; cf. also for follow-up in the late 1970s toward more autonomy for the PCI: Gianni Cervetti, L’oro di Mosca (Milan: Baldini & Castoldi, 1993).

47. Berlinguer in Mtg. Direzione 16 November 1968, VD, mf 020, APCI.

48. Berlinguer in Mtg. Direzione 31 January–1 February 1973, VD, mf 041, 420–23; Nota Riservata Sergio Segre to Berlinguer, 12 March 1976, VD, mf. 239, Pajetta in Mtg. Direzione 18 July 1977 (afternoon), VD, mf. 299, Amendola in Mtg. Direzione 20 February 1979, 8, VD, mf. 7906, APCI.

49. On this point in general, see especially Pons, Berlinguer e la fine del comunismo , passim, and Gundle, Between Hollywood and Moscow , 158–64.

50. See for best archival record, Berlinguer in Mtg. Direzione 5 December 1974, cit.

51. Cf. Claudio Terzi, “The PCI, Eurocommunism, and the Soviet Union,” in The Italian Communist Party: Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow , ed. Simon Serfaty and Lawrence Gray (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1980); François Hincker, Le parti communiste au carrefour (Paris: Albin Michel, 1981), 166ff; Jean Fabien, La guerre des camarades (Paris: Olivier Orban, 1985).

52. See Pons, Berlinguer e la fine del comunismo , 37; Irwin Wall “L’amministrazione Carter e l’eurocomunismo,” Ricerche di storia politica 1 (August 2006): 181–96. On contrasts between the PCF and PCI, see Amendola and Galluzzi in Mtg. Direzione 13 October 1977, VD, 273, 276, mf 304, APCI.

53. See, for example, Henry A. Kissinger, “Communist Parties in Western Europe: Challenge to the West,” in Eurocommunism: The Italian Case , ed. Austin Ramney and Giovanni Sartori (Washington, DC: American Enterprise for Public Policy Research, 1978), 183–96; and Mtg. of Sec. Henry A. Kissinger with representatives of foreign service class, 6 January 1977, Kissinger TelCons, 1973–77, Nixon Presidential Materials Staff, NARA.

54. Cf. tel. A-183 report by Shriver (Paris embassy), “The French Communist Party in Mid-1969,” 29 July 1969, POL 12 FR, RG 59, NARA.

55. See Longo in Mtg. Direzione 7–8 May 1969, VD, mf 006, APCI; Dec. BP 15 July 1972, APCF.

56. On this point, see in particular Federico Romero, “L’Europa come strumento di nation-building. Storia e storici dell’Italia repubblicana,” Passato e Presente 13, no. 36 (1995): 19–32; Bernard Brunetau, “The Construction of Europe and the Concept of the Nation State,” Contemporary European History 9, no. 2 (2000): 245–60.

57. Dec. BP 12 November 1970, APCF; cf. Thomas Gomart, “Le PCF au miroir des relations franco-soviétiques (1964–1968),” Relations Internationales 114 (Summer 2003): 249–66.

58. Gino G. Raymond, The French Communist Party during the Fifth Republic: A Crisis of Leadership and Ideology (London: Palgrave-McMillan, 2005), 60–63, and Alistair Cole, François Mitterrand: A Study in Political Leadership (London: Routledge, 1994), 74.

59. See the interventions by Pajetta and Berlinguer in Mtg. Direzione 12 September 1973, VD, mf 041, APCI; Antonio Rubbi, Il mondo di Berlinguer (Rome: Roberto Napoleone, 1994), 53–57; Agostino Giovagnoli, Il Caso Moro: Una tragedia repubblicana (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2005), 9–13.

60. Pons, Berlinguer e la fine del comunismo , xxi, see also 52–60 (Segre qtd. ivi 55).

61. Courtois and Lazar, Histoire du Parti communiste français , 380–82; David Drake, Intellectuals and Politics in Postwar France (London: Palgrave, 2002), 148–50; Jean Elleinstein, L’histoire du phénomène stalinien (Paris: Grasset, 1975); cf. the seminal book, Alexander Adler et al., L’URSS et nous (Paris: Editions sociales, 1978).

62. Drake, Intellectuals and Politics , 150–52; S. Khilnani, Arguing Revolution: The Intellectual Left in Postwar France (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993), 151–53; cf. in general Arthur Marwick, The Sixties: Cultural Revolution in Britain , France, Italy, and the United States, 1958–1974 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998); Carole Fink et al., eds., 1968: The World Transformed (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).

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