Вил Мирзаянов - State Secrets - An Insider's Chronicle of the Russian Chemical Weapons Program

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This is the book nobody wants you to read.
An unparalleled deception took place in the 1980s, while U.S.S.R. President Mikhail Gorbachev was negotiating for the Chemical Weapons Convention. This treaty was supposed to destroy chemical weapons of the world and ban new ones. The Moscow institute that developed chemical weapons at that same time was secretly developing newer and greatly more toxic ones known anecdotally as Novichok and new binaries. Dr. Vil Mirzayanov, a scientist there, was responsible for developing methods of detecting extremely minute traces in the environment surrounding the institute. He decided this dangerous hypocrisy was not tolerable, and he became the first whistleblower to reveal the Russian chemical weapons program to the world. His book, State Secrets, takes a startling detailed look at the inside workings of the Russian chemical weapons program, and it tells how the Russians set up a new program in Syria. Mirzayanov’s book provides a shocking, up-close examination of Russia’s military and political complex and its extraordinary efforts to hide dangerous weapons from the world. State Secrets should serve as a chilling cautionary tale for the world over. cite – From the Letter of John Conyers, Jr., Chairman of the Congressional Legislation and National Security Subcommittee of the Committee on Government Operations, to Warren Christopher, the U.S. Secretary of State, October 19, 1993. cite
– By Dan Ellsberg, author of “Secrets – A Memoir of Vietnam and the Pentagon Papers” cite – Senator Patrick Moynihan, U.S. Senate (Congressional Record. Proceedings and Debates of the 103d Congress, First Session. Vol.140, No. 28. Washington, Tuesday, March 15, 1994.) cite – Signed by Chairman Cyril M. Harris and President Joshua Lederberg. cite – From the Text of the Award in June 1993. cite – From the Text of the 1995 AAAS Freedom and Responsibility Award.

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The mountains of now useless and dangerous weapons are a heavy burden inherited from the legacy of our past. Russia must be saved from it, in the interests of its own security and in the interests of the security of the whole world.

B. Yeltsin April 20, 1993

In April of 1993, Gale Colby let me know that the Cavallo Foundation was going to award me a Special Recognition Award for Moral Courage, for defending the interests and security of mankind.

The award was supposed to be presented early in June 1993. Doubtless, I was very glad to receive it. It was heartwarming that people who were completely unknown to me thought and cared about me. The awarded sum of three thousand dollars literally meant salvation for my family at that time, because I had practically no earnings and my family lived off the aid provided by a Norwegian charity organization. I couldn’t even think about going abroad to accept the award. This is why an invitation followed for my wife Nuria, so she could go to the U.S. in my place and accept the award.

Despite all of our efforts applying to get a foreign passport, we failed to accomplish this in time to go to the U.S. for the awards ceremony.

In the summer of 1993, another event took place that left an indelible impression on me. At the end of May, a famous journalist, environmental activist and former deputy of the U.S.S.R. Congress of People’s Deputies, Aleksander Emelianenkov, called to let me know that Dan Ellsberg, the famous American human rights advocate, was coming to Moscow and he wanted to meet with me. Of course I agreed to meet him without any hesitation.

We met on the evening of June 1, 1993 in a small hotel on Arbat Street. The legendary American was an amazingly modest and lively person. With a slightly stooped posture, like all tall people, thin, with thick gray hair and blue eyes, he gave the impression of a university science professor. It was difficult to imagine that such a man could display the model of civic heroism he had. However, this impression vanished as soon as he started talking. He started asking questions, and I couldn’t help but conclude that a huge will and intellect were behind his simple appearance, which he used to immediately draw the person he was talking with into the discussion. However, he showed no signs of obsession that could even hint at an inclination towards fanaticism. We talked for a few hours and I felt that Dan understood me completely and shared my views.

The meeting left a very positive impression on me at a time when I was facing total uncertainty regarding the outcome of my case. I felt at ease and free. If the man I was talking to hadn’t flinched in the face of a threat of more than 100 years of imprisonment, and had acted for the people’s benefit, then the 5 years of imprisonment that I could face seemed a trifle.

I met Dan again at a press conference held with Russian and foreign correspondents, where we answered numerous questions. [195] Wendy Sloane, “Ellsberg Supports Russian Chemist”, The Moscow Tribune , June 2, 1993. , [196] Will Englund, “Ellsberg Embraces Russian Chemist who Exposed Secret Nerve Gas”, Baltimore Sun , June 2, 1993. , [197] “Press Conference by Vil Mirzayanov and US Professor Daniel Ellsberg”, Federal News Service Kremlin Package , 1 June 1993.

Will Englund 196gave a brief update my case, recalling that the Russian government even issued a special amendment to the law on March 30 th, in order to convict me. According to the journalist, Daniel Ellsberg said, “Russia is fortunate and honored to have a citizen like Dr. Mirzayanov…” I think this was an exaggeration; however I must admit that I was very pleased to hear such an appraisal coming from such a grand person as Dan Ellsberg.

Meanwhile Lev Fedorov got his passport and went to the U.S. to attend the ceremony at which I was awarded the Cavallo Foundation prize. Gale gave a brief speech, accepting the award on my behalf. Although I had already read transcripts of Fedorov’s interrogation and knew that he had voluntarily turned over my manuscripts to the Chekists, I decided against demonstrating my contempt for him. I thought: “Let him go and exploit my case. Who knows, maybe his conscience will bother him later…” Alas, I was too naive.

On May 22, 1993, I met Dmitry Ryurikov, the Presidential Aide on Foreign Policy Issues. Ryurikov was forthright in stating his objective for meeting me. He was going to travel to the U.S. and could be asked questions there regarding my case, so he decided to get first hand information.

I stated my position on the issues of chemical weapons for the presidential aide and stressed the ugly and improper role the leaders of the military-chemical complex and the Conventional Committee headed by General Kuntsevich had played. They had misinformed President Yeltsin, compelling him to sign the deceitful government resolution of September 1992, regarding the licensing of chemical weapons precursors. [198] See Presidential Directive N 508, published in Rossiskaya Gazetta on 16 September 1992, and Government Decree N. 734, published in Rossiskaya Gazetta on 18 September 1992. Ryurikov listened to me, asked some questions, and didn’t try to enter into any discussion with me. We talked for about 40 minutes, and at the end of our conversation I asked him to help Nuria get her passport. He promised assistance and later did his best to help, though everything was in vain, either because of the confusion that prevailed in OVIR (the bureau in charge of issuing foreign travel passports), or because of the unwillingness of officials to help this notorious Tatar “troublemaker”.

The summer flew by without any special episodes. On the weekends I went to spend time with my children in Baranovskoe, and on other days I sat in the Investigation Department and copied my case materials, which already had bloated up to five volumes. At night I typed these materials and sent them off to Gale Colby and Irene Goldman in the U.S. Gale was anxious after she read the transcripts of the interrogation and search of Lev Fedorov, [199] See ref. 93 and 94. because she thought my co-author might try to take some kind of action against me in the future. I didn’t suppose that Fedorov would dare to do it, because that would mean his final degradation in the eyes of the public. I don’t know how and with what pressure my co-author was persuaded, but at the end of August he applied to the Investigation Department to renounce his testimony.

In early September of 1993, one of the coordinators of the ad hoc international movement for my defense, Gale Colby, came to Moscow. She was a plump middle-aged woman with wavy chestnut hair and large brown eyes on her beautiful oval face, and she made a strong impression with her energy and American efficiency. It was a little unusual that she was so simply dressed. It didn’t fit in with my conception of American women. It turned out that she knew some Russian, but she was embarrassed about her pronunciation and constant difficulty with Russian grammar forms, genders, cases, etc. We dropped into a cafe on Old Arbat Street and talked for a long time about my case and all the possible scenarios of its development. Gale again expressed her concern about Fedorov’s behavior and wondered what he might try to pull at the upcoming trial. I comforted her, because I was certain that my co-author had already exhausted his potential for harmful action, and it made no sense for him to act openly against me. However, it was crucial, in my opinion, that there be an open trial. Gale had brought a selection of related news articles on my case and another invitation for Nuria, so that she could visit the U.S. and receive the prize money from the Cavallo Foundation.

At the end of September, Nuria went to the U.S. and on her way back, she spent a few days in Germany, at the invitation of the organization “Scientists for Global Responsibility.” The heads of this organization, Drs. Dieter Meissner and Reiner Braun, had organized a campaign among scientists in Europe for my defense. Their organization had also started providing some much needed financial assistance for my family.

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