Irving Wallace - The Man

There was a sharp knocking, and Dilman’s attention was diverted to the lounge door.

“Mr. President,” a voice called out, “it’s Secretary Eaton.”

“Come in.”

The door swung open, and Eaton entered. He appeared disconcerted to find Abrahams with Dilman, then recovered his poise. His manner toward Dilman was concerned and sympathetic. “I missed you on deck, and I only wanted to know that you were all right, Mr. President. Is everything satisfactory?”

Dilman stood up and offered his Secretary of State a half-humorous grimace. “Mr. Secretary, to be perfectly frank with you, everything couldn’t be worse. I’ve been seasick-”

“I’m sorry, Mr. President.”

“-and while there has been an improvement, I’m still uncomfortable. If I am Commander in Chief of all the troops on land and all the ships at sea, I’d like to issue my first naval order. Have someone turn this damn yacht right around and deposit me safe and sound on God’s good earth.”

Eaton’s conditioned countenance betrayed neither approval nor disapproval. “As you wish it, Mr. President. I’ll transmit your order to Commander Chappell at once.”

“And my apologies to our guests for cutting short their little outing.”

Eaton nodded, and hurriedly left. The second that the cabin door closed, Dilman pivoted toward Nat Abrahams and gave him a wide grin and an elaborate salute.

“How was that, teacher?”

Abrahams smiled. “You’re learning. You get an A.”

Dilman had become solemn once more. “Now what I need is an A where it counts more, in political science.” He took up the manila folder holding the minorities bill and balanced it thoughtfully. “Of course, it all depends on who does the grading, doesn’t it?”

He stuffed the folder into his briefcase, pressed it shut, then went to Abrahams and took him by the arm. “For some reason, I feel better now. I think everything is settling into place, anatomically speaking. I’m ready to fish awhile, if you are. Who knows, Nat? We might even catch something we’ll be proud of…”

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Office of the White House Press Secretary

THE WHITE HOUSE

THE PRESIDENT HAS REQUESTED SPECIAL TIME OF ALL MAJOR TELEVISION AND RADIO NETWORKS TONIGHT TO ADDRESS THE NATION AT 7:00 P.M., EDT, ON THE SUBJECT OF THE MINORITIES REHABILITATION PROGRAM AND THE BILL CONCERNING THIS PROGRAM AWAITING HIS SIGNATURE. THE FULL TEXT OF HIS ADDRESS WILL BE DISTRIBUTED TO THE PRESS FROM THIS OFFICE TEN MINUTES AFTER HE IS ON THE AIR.

ALTHOUGH it was too soon for Governor Talley to have arrived upstairs for their private meeting, before the others came, before the President’s television address began, Secretary of State Arthur Eaton found it impossible to sit out the intervening time in the loneliness of his huge seventh-floor office.

Ever since receiving Governor Talley’s cryptic, but definitely frantic, telephone call from the White House ten minutes ago, Arthur Eaton had been worried and on edge. He had not liked the tone, and the inconceivable implications, of Talley’s abbreviated call. Apparently, even in the privacy of his own White House office, Talley had been suspicious of being overheard or monitored. Yet what he had said, guarded as he had been, had been made meaningful and eloquent enough by his nettled speech and its unnatural brevity.

Pacing, Arthur Eaton reconstructed what little he had heard:

“Arthur? This is Wayne Talley. I’ve just come from Edna Foster’s office. The President wouldn’t see me. He had Miss Foster give back the speech we wrote. He’s written his own.”

“His own? What are you talking about, Wayne? What kind of nonsense is that? Are you pulling my leg?”

“Arthur, I swear-”

“What in the devil has he written? What is in it?”

“Arthur, I can’t speak. I’d better see you as soon as possible, before the others. Shall I come to your office?”

“Yes-no, wait-I think we want some seclusion. You use the E Street entrance. Take my private elevator right up to the top, to the eighth floor. I’ll leave word for them to let you come up, and the others, also. I’ll be waiting in the Madison Dining Room… How does it look to you, Governor? He’s going to sign the bill, of course?”

“I think so, I think so, there’s nothing else he can do. It’s what he’s going to say about it that bothers me. I’ll get over to State right away, Arthur. Good-bye.”

That was all the evidence Eaton had to go by, ten minutes ago and now.

The degree to which the news had flustered him was a surprise. He had been schooled to be poised for the unexpected. Even international masters of the unexpected, like Premier Kasatkin, could be anticipated. One studied their arcs of reasoning, from the top curve of predictability to the bottom curve of unpredictability, and if one knew their backgrounds, ambitions, pressures, one could be ready to bisect and contain them at any point of the arc. But Dilman, apparently, had proved himself to be unlike other men.

This, then, was a part of what had unsettled Arthur Eaton, jolted his superior complacency. He had, of course, made his study of the new President, a shallow study, to be truthful, but then, the man had appeared to have no subtle resources that would require an examination of more depth. Dilman had given the impression, from the first, of a person obvious and simple to divine, or so it had seemed to one of Eaton’s wide experience with more clever and devious men.

Of three dozen important demands made upon him, Dilman had been agreeable to all, well, all save two, and even in these two matters he had finally performed what was requested of him. He had not signed the New Succession Bill into law, that was true, but he had weakly permitted it to become law, with only the mildest legalistic protest. No one had minded that too much, considering Dilman’s color and sensitivity and his need not to condone publicly a legislative insult. The fact was: he had come along.

Then, in the invoking of the Subversive Activities Control Act, he had displayed faint resistance, evidenced by hesitancy and delay. Yet his hesitancy, if one was reasonable, could not be regarded as unexpected. He had been asked to outlaw a segment of his own race, and suffer their ire, and had recoiled from it as long as possible. Too, his behavior toward the Turnerites, if one studied these matters as Eaton did, was the natural result of his personality. Time and again he had shown himself to be fearful and uncertain, and therefore indecisive and slow. This was simply his style. In the end, predictably, he had banned the Turnerite Group.

But this new development of ten or fifteen minutes ago, this was unusual. To date, his slowness in signing the Minorities Rehabilitation Program Bill was not unexpected, but part of his pattern. His sudden announcement yesterday, before the Cabinet meeting adjourned, that he had decided to address the nation on the bill, had been a minor surprise to Eaton and all of them only because they did not expect an act of impulse on Dilman’s part. Yet, once more, it was an understandable desire. Many Presidents, before approving of a crucial or gigantic piece of spending legislation, liked to explain their belief in what they were doing, mention minor reservations (as political self-protection if anything went wrong or there was dissent), and to dramatize their own roles in a useful action. No, it was not unexpected that Dilman, conscious that the minorities bill was T. C.’s bill, would wish to reap some of T. C.’s popularity and curry some favor (when he needed it most) by projecting himself before the public on millions of television screens as one of the authors of the bountiful bill.

It had been routine for T. C.’s writers and special counselors to spend the remainder of yesterday afternoon, following the Cabinet meeting, and most of the evening, sketching out and molding into final form a public speech, in this case the fifteen-minute address on the minorities bill that explained its virtues and Dilman’s own approval. Dilman had known that they were preparing his address, and had offered no objections. Late last night Dilman had received the polished final draft from Talley, with no indication of protest, indeed with thanks. And to Talley’s suggestion that should Dilman desire any changes today, everyone would be standing by to help him, Dilman had again been appreciative.