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because it would make them conspicuous. He said: "Let me carry that bundle."
"No, no," she replied. "It's all right."
But he knew that it wasn't, and in the land of his forefathers men did not let women carry the
loads. He said: "I insist," and thought that he was being polite when he took it out of her arms.
Then right away he saw why she hadn't wanted him to have it. It was wrapped like a bundle
of clothing, and was soft like such a bundle, but its weight was beyond that of any clothing ever
made. He tried to guess: did the bundle contain arms of some sort, or was it what the comrades
called "literature"? The latter was more in accord with Trudi's nature, but Irma had pointed
out that one couldn't count upon that. A small quantity of weapons might weigh the same as a
larger quantity of printed matter. Both would be equally dangerous in these times; and here
was Lanny with an armful of either or both!
VIII
They must keep on walking and keep on talking. He asked: "How far do you have to go?"
"Many blocks."
"I have a car, and I could get it and drive you."
"A car must not stop there, nor can I let you go to the place."
"But we ought to have a talk. Will you let Irma and me meet you somewhere and take you for
a drive? That way we can talk safely."
She walked for a space without speaking. Then she said: "Your wife is not sympathetic to our
ideas, Genosse Budd."
"She does not agree with us altogether," he admitted; "but she is loyal to me and to the
Robins."
"Nobody will be loyal in a time like this except those who believe in the class struggle." They
walked again in silence; then the young artist continued: "It is hard for me to say, but it is not
only my life that is at stake, but that of others to whom I am pledged. I would be bound to tell
them the situation, and I know they would not consent for me to meet your wife, or to let her
know about our affairs.' He was a bit shocked to discover what the comrades had been thinking
about his marriage; but he couldn't deny Trudi's right to decide this matter. "All right," he
said. "I won't mention you, and don't you mention me. There might be a spy among your
group, I suppose."
"It's not very likely, because our enemies don't wait long when they get information. They are
efficient, and take no chances. It is dangerous for you to be walking with me.'"
"I doubt if it could make serious trouble for an American; but it might cost me my chance to
save Freddi if it became known that I was in touch with Socialists."
"It is certainly unwise for us to meet."
"It depends upon what may happen. How can we find each other in case of need?"
"It would not do for you to come where I am. If I need to see you, I'll send you an unsigned
note. I read in the papers that you were staying at the Adlon."
"Yes, but I'm leaving tomorrow or the next day for Munich, where I'll be at the Vier
Jahreszeiten. Letters will be forwarded, however."
"Tell me, Genosse Lanny," she exclaimed, in a tense voice; "do you suppose there could be
any chance for you to find if Ludi is in Dachau?"
"I can't think of any way now; but something might turn up. I must have some way to get
word to you."
"Notice this corner ahead of us; remember it, and if you have any news for me, walk by here
on Sunday, exactly at noon. I'll be watching for you, and I'll follow you to your car. But don't
come unless you have something urgent."
"You mean that you will come to this corner every Sunday?"
"So long as there's any chance of your coming. When you leave Germany, I can write you to
Juan-les-Pins."
"All right," he said; and then, as a sudden thought came to him: "Do you need money?"
"I'm getting along all right."
But he knew that propagandists can always use money. He didn't take out his billfold, that
being a conspicuous action; he reached under his coat, and worked several bills into a roll, and
slipped them into the pocket of that well-worn brown coat. He was becoming expert in the art
of distributing illicit funds. What he gave her would be a fortune for Social-Democrats,
underground or above. He would leave it for her to explain how she had got it.
When he returned to the hotel, Irma said: "Well! You must have found some paintings that
interested you!"
He answered: "A couple of Menzels that I think are worth Zoltan's looking at. But the works
by the Maris brothers were rather a disappointment."
IX
The period of the Detaze show in Berlin corresponded with an election campaign throughout
the German Reich; assuredly the strangest election campaign since that contrivance had been
born of the human brain. Hitler had wiped out all other political parties, and all the legislative
bodies of the twenty-two German states; by his methods of murder and imprisonment he had
destroyed democracy and representative government, religious toleration and all civil rights; but
being still the victim of a "legality complex," he insisted upon having the German people endorse
what he had done. A vote to say that votes had no meaning! A Reichstag to declare that a
Reichstag was without power! A completely democratic repudiation of democracy! Lanny
thought: "Has there ever been such a madman since the world began? Has it ever before
happened that a whole nation has gone mad?"
Living in the midst of this enormous institute of lunacy, Lanny Budd tried to keep his
balance and not be permanently stood upon his head. If there was anything he couldn't
comprehend, his Nazi friends were eager to explain it, but there wasn't a single German from
whom he could hear a sane word. Even Hugo Behr and his friends who were planning the
"Second Revolution" were all loyal Hitlerites, co-operating in what they considered a sublime
demonstration of patriotic fervor. Even the members of smart society dared give no greater sign
of rationality than a slight smile, or the flicker of an eyelash so faint that you couldn't be sure if
you had seen it. The danger was real, even to important persons. Only a few days later they
would see Herzog Philip Albert of Württemberg imprisoned for failing to cast his vote in this
sublime national referendum.
Hitler had raised the issue in the middle of October when the British at Geneva had dared to
propose a four years' "trial period" before permitting Germany to rearm. The Führer's reply was
to withdraw the German delegates from both the League of Nations and the Conference for
Arms Limitation. In so doing he issued to the German people one of those eloquent manifestoes
which he delighted to compose; he told them how much he loved peace and how eager he was
to disarm when the other nations would do the same. He talked to them about "honor"—he, the
author of Mein Kampf— and they believed him, thus proving that they were exactly what he had
said they were. He proclaimed that what the German people wanted was "equal rights"; and,
having just deprived them of all rights, he put to them in the name of the government this
solemn question:
"Does the German people accept the policy of its National Cabinet as enunciated here and is it
willing to declare this to be the expression of its own view and its own will and to give it holy
support?"
Such was the "referendum" to be voted on a month later. In addition, there was to be a new
Reichstag election, with only one slate of candidates, 686 of them, all selected by the Führer,
and headed by the leading Nazis: Hitler, Göring, Goebbels, Hess, Röhm, and so on. One party,
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