Andrew Lobaczewski - Political Ponerology - A Science on the Nature of Evil Adjusted for Political Purposes

failings, and pathological factors intersect in a time-space

causative network giving rise to individual and national suffer-

ing.

Any war waged with psychological weapons costs only a

fraction as much as classical warfare, but it does have a cost,

especially when it is being waged simultaneously in many

countries throughout the world.

People acting in the name of pathocracy’s interests may ef-

fect their activities in parallel, under the banner of some tradi-

tional or other ideology, or even with the assistance of a con-

tradictory ideology battling the traditional one. In these latter

cases, the service must be performed by individuals whose

response to the call of the pathocracy is sufficiently vehement

so as to prevent the self-suggestive activities of the other ideol-

ogy they are using from weakening the links with their actual

hopes for power.

Whenever a society contains serious social problems, there

will also be some group of sensible people striving to improve

the social situation by means of energetic reforms, so as to

eliminate the cause of social tension. Others consider it their

duty to bring about a moral rejuvenation of society. Elimina-

tion of social injustice and reconstruction of the country’s mor-

als and civilization could deprive a pathocracy of any chance to

take over. Such reformers and moralists must therefore be con-

sistently neutralized by means of liberal or conservative posi-

tions and appropriately suggestive catchwords and paramoral-

isms; if necessary, the best among them has to be murdered.

Psychological warfare strategists must decide rather early

on which ideology would be most efficient in a particular coun-

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219

try because of its adaptability to said nation’s traditions. After

all, the appropriately adapted ideology must perform the func-

tion of a Trojan horse, transporting pathocracy into the country.

These various ideologies are then gradually conformed to one’s

own original master plan. Finally, off comes the mask.

At the right time, local partisans are organized and armed,

with recruits picked from dissatisfied localities; leadership is

provided by trained officers familiar with the secret idea as

well as the operative idea concocted for propagation in the

country in question. Assistance must then be given so groups of

conspirators adhering to the concocted ideology can stage a

coup d’état, whereupon an iron-fisted government is installed.

Once this has been brought about, the diversionary partisans’

activities are stymied – they are made out to be patsies - so that

the new authorities can take credit for bringing about internal

peace. Any hoodlum who cannot or will not submit to the new

decrees is “gently” invited before his former leader and shot in

the back of the head. This is the new reality.

This is how such governmental systems are born. A network

of pathological ponerogenical factors is already active, as is the

inspirational role of essential psychopathy. However, that does

not yet represent a complete picture of pathocracy. Many local

leaders and adherents persist in their original convictions

which, albeit radical, strike them as serving the good of a much

larger proportion of formerly abused persons, not just a few

percent of pathocrats and the interests of a would-be world

wide empire.

Local leaders continue to think along the lines of social

revolution, appealing to the political goals they truly believe in.

They demand that the “friendly power” furnish them not only

the promised assistance, but also a certain measure of auton-

omy they consider crucial. They are not sufficiently familiar

with the mysterious “us-and-them” dichotomy. At the same

time they are instructed and ordered to submit to the dictates of

unclear ambassadors whose meaning and purpose are hard to

understand. Frustration and doubt thus grow; their nature is

ideological, nationalistic, and practical.

Conflict progressively increases, especially when wide cir-

cles of society begin to doubt whether those people allegedly

220

PATHOCRACY

acting in the name of some great ideology do in fact believe in

it. Thanks to experience and contact with the pathocratic na-

tion, similarly wide circles simultaneously increase their prac-

tical knowledge about the reality and behavioral methods of

that system. Should such a semi-colony thus achieve too much

independence or even decide to defect, too much of this knowl-

edge could then reach the consciousness of normal man’s coun-

tries. This could represent a serious defeat for pathocracy.

Ever-increasing control is thus necessary until full pathoc-

racy can be achieved. Those leaders whom the central authori-

ties consider to be effectively transitional can be eliminated

unless they indicate a sufficient degree of submission. Geopo-

litical conditions are generally decisive in this area. That ex-

plains why it is easier for such leaders to survive on an outlying

island than in countries bordering the empire. Should such

leaders manage to maintain a larger degree of autonomy by

concealing their doubts, they might be able to take advantage

of their geopolitical position if the conditions are amenable.

During such a phase of crisis of trust, circumspect policy on

the part of normal man’s countries could still tip the scales in

favor of a structure which may be revolutionary and leftist, but

not pathocratic. However, this is not the only missing consid-

eration; another primary one is the lack of objective knowledge

about the phenomenon, something which would make such

policy possible. Emotional factors, coupled with a moralizing

interpretation of pathological phenomena, frequently play

much too great a part in political decision-making.

No full-fledged pathocracy can develop until the second up-

heaval and the purging of its transitional leadership , which

was insufficiently loyal thereto. This is the counterpart of a

showdown with the true adherents of the ideology within the

genesis of the original pathocracy, which can then develop, due

both to the appropriately imposed leaders and to the activity of

this phenomenon’s autonomous ponerogenic mechanisms.

After the initial governmental period, brutal, bloody, and

psychologically naive, such a pathocracy thereupon begins its

transformation into its dissimulative form, which has already

been described in discussing the genesis of the phenomenon

and the force-imposed pathocracy. During this period not even

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221

the most skillful outside policy can possibly undermine the

existence of such a system. The period of weakness is still to

come: when a mighty network of the society of normal people

is formed.

The above lapidary description of an infectious imposition

of pathocracy indicates that this process repeats all the phases

of independent ponerogenesis condensed in time and content .

Underneath the rulership of its incompetent administrative

predecessors, we can even discern a period of hyperactivity on

the part of schizoidal individuals mesmerized by the vision of

their own rule based on contempt for human nature, especially