Russell Banks - The Darling

“I can’t, Zack. I don’t even know what I’m doing here. With you and Carol, I mean. In New Bedford.”

“Just talk to Charles, man. Go out and visit him in Plymouth. It’s real easy. The place is minimum security. All you’ll need is an ID, which you’ve got, and a home address. You can use this address. Just talk to the guy. Then decide. Okay?”

I didn’t answer. Then, after a few seconds, I heard myself say, “Okay. I’ll talk to Charles. Once.”

“That’s all I’m asking.”

“No, it’s not, Zack,” I said and grabbed his empty coffee cup and overflowing ashtray. “You’re also asking me to wash your dirty dishes.”

“Hey, no way, babe!” He took the cup and ashtray back. “Here, let me do that.”

IT MAY SEEM STRANGE to you, but something about prisons, jails, cages comforts me. All my life I’ve run from confinement and tried to keep others, even animals, from being imprisoned. Yet whenever I come close to an actual place of confinement, whenever I’m physically in its proximity, something inside me clicks off and something else clicks on. Dread gets replaced by complacent, almost grateful acceptance. When with hundreds of other demonstrators I was arrested and jailed in Mississippi and Louisiana and later in Washington and Chicago and spent a night or two in a cell awaiting bail and quick release, while the others rattled their cages and chanted in continuing protest and sang “We Shall Overcome” and “Amazing Grace,” I sat quietly cross-legged on the floor in a corner of the cell and gave myself over to the logic and clarity of imprisonment, as if, having relinquished my physical freedom, I was somehow free in a new and more satisfying way. In later years, driving past the high, razor-wired walls of state or federal prisons or catching a passing glimpse of the barred windows of a county jail, after the first flush of fear and anxiety passed, a certain restfulness came over me, and an ease that was almost a longing took my mind. In zoos I gazed into the cages and pens with an edge of envy. When I cared for the chimps all those years, partly it was so that I could vicariously join them in their iron-barred boxes. It still goes on. Today, at my farm in Keene Valley, even though I’m ideologically committed to providing my livestock and birds, all my animals, with as much free range as possible, I confess that I regularly have to argue away a desire to set Anthea and the girls to work building fences, pens, and cages for them. The freedom of the dogs to roam the woods, to abandon the farm any time they wish and race through the forest in pursuit of deer, threatens me. Something low in me wants to lock them in the barn, keep them on leashes tied to the porch railing, or just keep the beasts locked inside the house.

I know, of course, that it’s what I want done to me, not to my poor dogs. Not to my sheep and ducks and geese and my hens. Not to my dreamers. And not to Charles Taylor. Though when I visited him that day in federal prison in Plymouth, I did think, as I parked my mother’s car in the lot and saw the stately, brick, Victorian residence of the superintendent, the barracks that housed the security personnel, the neatly trimmed, sun-splashed lawns and spreading oak trees, and the sprawling complex of what looked like the dormitories of a small, slightly impoverished state college, and the high chain-link fence topped with strands of barbed wire that surrounded the prison, I did think, Charles must be very happy here.

He was not happy. He was furious. Even before he sat down at the table in the visiting room, he was talking full speed, practically spitting the words in that loud, high-dramatic mode that West African men use in response to perceived insult and impersonal injustice taken personally. “This a bad t’ing they done t’ me, all of ’em! Doe, him an’ the U.S. gov’ment them, an’ your sweet li’l husband, Woodrow, too, especially him, Hannah!” He scraped his chair up to the table and glowered at me.

“Dawn,” I said in a low voice. “Dawn Carrington.” The room was a low-ceilinged hall half the size of a high school cafeteria with a dozen square tables placed so as to be in plain view of a guard, who monitored the room from behind a desk on an elevated stage at the front. A row of food- and drink-vending machines were posted along one wall. Seated at several of the other tables a half-dozen inmates with their lawyers, wives, and girlfriends engaged in quiet conversation, domestic problems mixed with legal and financial strategies.

“How’s that?” Charles lifted his eyebrows in puzzlement.

“My name. It’s Dawn. Here.”

“Oh, okay.” He smiled knowingly. “Okay by me. Who tol’ you where I was? Who sent you here?” He looked healthy and strong, as if he’d been lifting weights. He wore a tight, white tee shirt and loose-fitting dungarees and sneakers. I’d never seen him without a tailored suit and tie or the occasional pressed and starched guayabera shirt. Charles was strikingly handsome back then. His smooth, round face shone with health and vigor and self-confidence, and he looked like a professional athlete. His hair was cut tight to his skull like a glistening black cap, and his skin was the color of polished old mahogany.

“Zack Procter said you might like to see me.”

Charles smiled broadly. “Oh, yeah. Zack.” He laughed. “Zack! When he tol’ me all about you, I didn’ believe the man at first. But then I put two an’ two together an’ come out four.” He paused and examined my face as if looking for a scar. “You always been a mystery woman to me, y’ know. Especially bein’ married to Woodrow an’ all. It always seem t’ me you could be fryin’ bigger fish, if you know what I mean. Your man Zack, he thinks he a big-time freedom fighter an’ all that,” he said and laughed. “What about you? You a freedom fighter too? Dawn . What your last name now?”

“Carrington. Actually, no, I’m not. Not anymore.”

“What are you, then? Who are you?” He laughed again.

“Good question,” I said and laughed with him. I liked Charles and for a long time had been sexually attracted to him. His large, open face and intelligent eyes, his easy smile, his immense physical energy pleased and relaxed me and, for the moment at least, distracted me from the confused jumble of my emotions. Grief, guilt, fear, and anger: different feelings aimed at different people. Grief over my father’s death; guilt for having abandoned my children and now my mother, too; fear of being arrested and sent to jail; and anger at Woodrow and Samuel Doe for sending me out of the country. Yet, at the same time, in a brand new way, I was grateful to them all: to my father for having let me see him diminished and dying, a mere mortal at last; to my children and my mother, who I had to say were probably better off without me; to the FBI who, with their warrant for my arrest, had driven me back underground, returning me to Zack and Carol, giving me the chance now to conduct an operation that might redeem me for long years of political passivity and cowardice. I was grateful even to Woodrow and Samuel Doe for breaking me out of my Liberian cocoon. Charles distracted me from that muddle of emotions, he energized me, creating for me a context that for the first time in many years let me feel like a woman of principle. A woman capable of acting on her principles.

I said to him, “Zack says you have a plan.”

“Of course I have a plan! I always have a plan. Ever since the day that monkey Doe stole my country an’ now has stole everyt’ing in it I’ve had a plan. Why you t’ink that monkey an’ his CIA friends put me in this cage? They scairt of me, y’ know. An’ for good reason. I got friends in high places all over Africa who would like nothin’ better than to see that monkey’s head on a stick an’ the Americans gone home an’ the people of Liberia rulin’ themselves for the first time in history.” On the day of Doe’s coup, he said, he’d decided to overthrow him by any means necessary and give the country back to the people. All the people, he emphasized, not to the Americos and their white American overseers who had run it like their plantation for a hundred and fifty years. And not to the Russians and the Chinese either. He would establish a socialist democracy, he said, the kind of localized, tribe-based socialism that lay at the heart of every African tradition. Speaking rapidly and building steam as he went on, Charles declared that, if given a chance, this could be accomplished in Liberia, he was sure of it. Because of Liberia’s peculiar history, it could happen. Even though he knew that similar attempts to create a democratic socialist “third way” had failed elsewhere; in Kenya and Ghana and Jamaica and Cuba and Chile, they had failed because the U.S. and other capitalist countries had sabotaged leftist governments and leaders even before they’d had a chance to consolidate their power. I had never heard Charles or any other Liberian talk this way before. The only people I had ever heard say these things were white American intellectuals, fantasists, neo-Marxist theoreticians whose idea of Africa was based on the Black Power movement of the sixties and seventies and Stokely Carmichael in a dashiki and Huey Newton in leather and black beret posing with his automatic rifle in a high-backed bamboo chair. It took a decade for us to admit it, but the dream of a truly democratic socialist revolution in America or anywhere else in the so-called developed world had died shortly after 1969, probably in Chicago at the end of a police club in a cloud of tear gas. In small, mostly agrarian countries like Cuba and Vietnam, and for a while in Jamaica, the dream had lingered on a few years longer, before it got appropriated by strongmen and their party chieftains or undermined by coups and assassinations engineered by the old colonial powers. But as Charles continued to describe his vision of a Liberia that was free and democratic and economically self-sufficient, a small country quietly going about its own business of providing its own food and shelter and health care and education, trading its agricultural products with the rest of the world for the technology and manufactured goods it would require and no more than what it required — no luxury goods, he said, no Mercedes limos or Rolex watches, no private jets, nothing imported that did not advance the people as a whole — I began to believe that it could be done. It could happen, and very possibly Charles Taylor was the man who could make it happen.