Albert Beveridge - The Life of John Marshall (Volume 2 of 4)

This early hostility to ostentation and rank now broke forth in rabid virulence. In the opinion of the people, as influenced by the French Revolution, a Governor or President ought not to be referred to as "His Excellency"; nor a minister of the gospel as "Reverend." Even "sir" or "esquire" were, plainly, "monarchical." The title "Honorable" or "His Honor," when applied to any official, even a judge, was base pandering to aristocracy. "Mr." and "Mrs." were heretical to the new religion of equality. Nothing but "citizen" 72 72 See Hazen, 209-15. would do – citizen judge, citizen governor, citizen clergyman, citizen colonel, major, or general, citizen baker, shoemaker, banker, merchant, and farmer, – citizen everybody.

To address the master of ceremonies at a dinner or banquet or other public gathering as "Mr. Chairman" or "Mr. Toastmaster" was aristocratic: only "citizen chairman" or "citizen toastmaster" was the true speech of genuine liberty. 73 73 Ib. , 213. And the name of the Greek letter college fraternity, Phi Beta Kappa, was the trick of kings to ensnare our unsuspecting youth. Even "Φ.Β.Κ." was declared to be "an infringement of the natural rights of society." A college fraternity was destructive of the spirit of equality in American colleges. 74 74 See Hazen, 215. " Lèse-républicanisme " was the term applied to good manners and politeness. 75 75 Cobbett, i, 111.

Such were the surface and harmless evidences of the effect of the French Revolution on the great mass of American opinion. But a serious and practical result developed. Starting with the mother organization at Philadelphia, secret societies sprang up all over the Union in imitation of the Jacobin Clubs of France. Each society had its corresponding committee; and thus these organizations were welded into an unbroken chain. Their avowed purpose was to cherish the principles of human freedom and to spread the doctrine of true republicanism. But they soon became practical political agencies; and then, like their French prototype, the sowers of disorder and the instigators of insurrection. 76 76 For an impartial and comprehensive account of these clubs see Hazen, 188-208; also, Marshall, ii, 269 et seq. At first many excellent and prominent men were members; but these withdrew when the clubs fell under the control of less unselfish and high-minded persons.

The practical activities of these organizations aroused, at last, the open wrath of Washington. They "are spreading mischief far and wide," he wrote; 77 77 Washington to Thruston, Aug. 10, 1794; Writings : Ford, xii, 451. and he declared to Randolph that "if these self-created societies cannot be discountenanced, they will destroy the government of this country." 78 78 Washington to Randolph, Oct. 16, 1794; ib. , 475; and see Washington to Lee, Aug. 26, 1794; ib. , 455.

Conservative apprehensions were thus voiced by George Cabot: "We have seen … the … representatives of the people butchered, and a band of relentless murderers ruling in their stead with rods of iron. Will not this, or something like it, be the wretched fate of our country?.. Is not this hostility and distrust [to just opinions and right sentiments] chiefly produced by the slanders and falsehoods which the anarchists incessantly inculcate?" 79 79 Cabot to Parsons, Aug. 12, 1794; Lodge: Cabot , 79.

Young men like John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts and John Marshall of Virginia thought that "the rabble that followed on the heels of Jack Cade could not have devised greater absurdities than" the French Revolution had inspired in America; 80 80 J. Q. Adams to John Adams, Oct. 19, 1790; Writings, J. Q. A. : Ford, i, 64. but they were greatly outnumbered by those for whom Jefferson spoke when he said that "I feel that the permanence of our own [Government] leans" on the success of the French Revolution. 81 81 Jefferson to Rutledge, Aug. 29, 1791; Works : Ford, vi, 309.

The American democratic societies, like their French originals, declared that theirs was the voice of "the people," and popular clamor justified the claim. 82 82 See Hazen, 203-07. Everybody who dissented from the edicts of the clubs was denounced as a public robber or monarchist. "What a continual yelping and barking are our Swindlers, Aristocrats, Refugees, and British Agents making at the Constitutional Societies" which were "like a noble mastiff … with … impotent and noisy puppies at his heels," cried the indignant editor of the "Independent Chronicle" of Boston, 83 83 September 18, 1794. to whom the democratic societies were "guardians of liberty."

While these organizations strengthened radical opinion and fashioned American sympathizers of the French Revolution into disciplined ranks, they also solidified the conservative elements of the United States. Most viciously did the latter hate these "Jacobin Clubs," the principles they advocated, and their interference with public affairs. "They were born in sin, the impure offspring of Genêt," wrote Fisher Ames.

"They are the few against the many; the sons of darkness (for their meetings are secret) against those of the light; and above all, it is a town cabal, attempting to rule the country ." 84 84 Ames to Dwight, Sept. 11, 1794; Works : Ames, i, 150. This testy New Englander thus expressed the extreme conservative feeling against the "insanity which is epidemic": 85 85 Cabot to King, July 25, 1795; Lodge: Cabot , 80. "This French mania," said Ames, "is the bane of our politics, the mortal poison that makes our peace so sickly." 86 86 Ames to Gore, March 26, 1794; Works : Ames, i, 139. "They have, like toads, sucked poison from the earth. They thirst for vengeance." 87 87 Ames to Minot, Feb. 20, 1793; ib. , 128. "The spirit of mischief is as active as the element of fire and as destructive." 88 88 Ames to Gore, Jan. 28, 1794; ib. , 134. Ames describes the activities of the Boston Society and the aversion of the "better classes" for it: "The club is despised here by men of right heads," he writes. "But … they [the members of the Club] poison every spring; they whisper lies to every gale; they are everywhere, always acting like Old Nick and his imps… They will be as busy as Macbeth's witches at the election." 89 89 Ames to Dwight, Sept. 3, 1794; ib. , 148.

In Virginia the French Revolution and the American "Jacobins" helped to effect that change in Patrick Henry's political sentiments which his increasing wealth had begun. "If my Country," wrote Henry to Washington, "is destined in my day to encounter the horrors of anarchy, every power of mind or body which I possess will be exerted in support of the government under which I live." 90 90 Henry to Washington, Oct. 16, 1795; Henry, ii, 559. As to France itself, Henry predicted that "anarchy will be succeeded by despotism" and Bonaparte, "Caesar-like, subvert the liberties of his country." 91 91 Ib. , 576.

Marshall was as much opposed to the democratic societies as was Washington, or Cabot, or Ames, but he was calmer in his opposition, although vitriolic enough. When writing even ten years later, after time had restored perspective and cooled feeling, Marshall says that these "pernicious societies" 92 92 Marshall, ii, 353. were "the resolute champions of all the encroachments attempted by the agents of the French republic on the government of the United States, and the steady defamers of the views and measures of the American executive." 93 93 Ib. , 269. He thus describes their decline: —