Albert Beveridge - The Life of John Marshall (Volume 2 of 4)

Foremost in the fight for the whiskey insurgents were the democratic societies, which, as has been seen, were the offspring of the French Jacobin Clubs. Washington finally became certain that these organizations had inspired this uprising against National law and authority. While the Whiskey Rebellion was economic in its origin, yet it was sustained by the spirit which the French Revolution had kindled in the popular heart. Indeed, when the troops sent to put down the insurrection reached Harrisburg, they found the French flag flying over the courthouse. 237 237 Graydon, 374. Jefferson's party was called Republican because of its championship of the French Republic. (Ambler, 63.)

Marshall's old comrade in the Revolution, close personal friend, and business partner, 238 238 In the Fairfax purchase. (See infra , chap. v.) Henry Lee, was now Governor of Virginia. He stood militantly with Washington and it was due to Lee's efforts that the Virginia militia responded to help suppress the Whiskey Rebellion. He was made Commander-in-Chief of all the forces that actually took the field. 239 239 See Hamilton's orders to General Lee; Works : Lodge, vi, 445-51; and see Washington to Lee, Oct. 20, 1794; Writings : Ford, xii, 478-80. To Lee, therefore, Washington wrote with unrestrained pen.

"I consider," said the President, "this insurrection as the first formidable fruit of the Democratic Societies … instituted by … artful and designing members [of Congress] … to sow the seeds of jealousy and distrust among the people of the government… I see, under a display of popular and fascinating guises, the most diabolical attempts to destroy … the government." 240 240 Washington to Lee, Aug. 26, 1794; Writings : Ford, xii, 454-56. He declared: "That they have been the fomenters of the western disturbances admits of no doubt." 241 241 Washington to Jay, Nov. 1, 1794; ib. , 486.

Never was that emphatic man more decided than now; he was sure, he said, that, unless lawlessness were overcome, republican government was at an end, "and nothing but anarchy and confusion is to be expected hereafter." 242 242 Washington to Thruston, Aug. 10, 1794; ib. , 452. If "the daring and factious spirit" is not crushed, "adieu to all government in this country, except mob and club government." 243 243 Washington to Morgan, Oct. 8, 1794; ib. , 470. The Virginia militia were under the Command of Major-General Daniel Morgan.

Such were Washington's positive and settled opinions, and they were adopted and maintained by Marshall, his faithful supporter.

And not only by argument and speech did Marshall uphold the measures of Washington's Administration. In 1793 he had been commissioned as Brigadier-General of Militia, and when the President's requisition came for Virginia troops to enforce the National revenue law against those who were violently resisting the execution of it, he was placed in command of one of the detachments to be raised for that purpose. 244 244 General Order, June 30, 1794; Cal. Va. St. Prs. , vii, 202. Although it is not established that his brigade was ordered to Pennsylvania, the probabilities are that it was and that Marshall, in command of it, was on the scene of the first armed opposition to the National Government. And it is certain that Marshall was busy and effective in the work of raising and properly equipping the troops for duty. He suggested practical plans for expediting the muster and for economizing the expenditure of the public money, and his judgment was highly valued. 245 245 Carrington to Lieutenant-Governor Wood, Sept. 1, 1794; ib. , 287.

All the ability, experience, and zeal at the disposal of the State were necessary, for the whiskey tax was only less disliked in Virginia than in Pennsylvania, and a portion of the Commonwealth was inclined to assist rather than to suppress the insurrection. 246 246 Major-General Daniel Morgan to the Governor of Virginia, Sept. 7, 1794; ib. , 297. Whether or not he was one of the military force that, on the ground, overawed the whiskey insurgents, it is positively established that Marshall was ready, in person, to help put down with arms all forcible opposition to the National laws and authority.

Jefferson, now the recognized commander-in-chief of the new party, was, however, heartily with the popular outbreak. He had approved Washington's first proclamations against the whiskey producers; 247 247 Jefferson to Washington, Sept. 18, 1792; Works : Ford, vii, 153. but, nevertheless, as the anger of the people grew, it found Jefferson responsive. "The excise law is an infernal one," he cried; the rebellion against it, nothing more than "riotous" at the worst. 248 248 Jefferson to Madison, Dec. 28, 1794; ib. , viii, 157.

And Jefferson wielded his verbal cat-o'-nine-tails on Washington's order to put the rebellion down by armed forces. 249 249 Ib. It was all "for the favorite purpose of strengthening government and increasing public debt." 250 250 Jefferson to Monroe, May 26, 1795; ib. , 177. Washington thought the Whiskey Rebellion treasonable; and Jefferson admitted that "there was … a meeting to consult about a separation" from the Union; but talking was not acting. 251 251 Jefferson to Madison, Dec. 28, 1794; ib. , 157. Thus the very point was raised which Marshall enforced in the Burr trial twelve years later, when Jefferson took exactly opposite grounds. But to take the popular view now made for Republican solidarity and strength. Criticism is ever more profitable politics than building.

All this had different effects on different public men. The Republican Party was ever growing stronger, and under Jefferson's skillful guidance, was fast becoming a seasoned political army. The sentiment of the multitude against the National Government continued to rise. But instead of weakening John Marshall's Nationalist principles, this turbulent opposition strengthened and hardened them. So did other and larger events of that period which tumultuously crowded fast upon one another's heels. As we have seen, the horrors of the Reign of Terror in Paris did not chill the frenzied enthusiasm of the masses of Americans for France. "By a strange kind of reasoning," wrote Oliver Wolcott to his brother, "some suppose the liberties of America depend on the right of cutting throats in France." 252 252 Wolcott to Wolcott, Dec. 15, 1792; Gibbs, i, 85.

In the spring of 1793 France declared war against England. The popular heart in America was hot for France, the popular voice loud against England. The idea that the United States was an independent nation standing aloof from foreign quarrels did not enter the minds of the people. But it was Washington's one great conception. It was not to make the American people the tool of any foreign government that he had drawn his sword for their independence. It was to found a separate nation with dignity and rights equal to those of any other nation; a nation friendly to all, and allied with none 253 253 Marshall, ii, 256; see Washington's "Farewell Address." – this was the supreme purpose for which he had fought, toiled, and suffered. And Washington believed that only on this broad highway could the American people travel to ultimate happiness and power. 254 254 John Adams claimed this as his particular idea. "Washington learned it from me … and practiced upon it." (Adams to Rush, July 7, 1805; Old Family Letters , 71.) "I trust that we shall have too just a sense of our own interest to originate any cause, that may involve us in it [the European war]." (Washington to Humphreys, March 23, 1793; Writings : Ford, xii, 276.) He determined upon a policy of absolute impartiality.