John-Paul Himka - Ukrainian Nationalists and the Holocaust

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One quarter of all Holocaust victims lived on the territory that now forms Ukraine, yet the Holocaust there has not received due attention. This book delineates the participation of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and its armed force, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (Ukrainska povstanska armiia—UPA), in the destruction of the Jewish population of Ukraine under German occupation in 1941–44. The extent of OUN and UPA’s culpability in the Holocaust has been a controversial issue in Ukraine and within the Ukrainian diaspora as well as in Jewish communities and Israel. Occasionally, the controversy has broken into the press of North America, the EU, and Israel.
Triangulating sources from Jewish survivors, Soviet investigations, German documentation, documents produced by OUN itself, and memoirs of OUN activists, it has been possible to establish that: OUN militias were key actors in the anti-Jewish violence of summer 1941; OUN recruited for and infiltrated police formations that provided indispensable manpower for the Germans' mobile killing units; and in 1943, thousands of these policemen deserted from German service to join the OUN-led nationalist insurgency, during which UPA killed Jews who had managed to survive the major liquidations of 1942.

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8Ibid., 152.

9Hilberg, Destruction , xiii (quotation from the preface to the revised edition, written in 1984). “Neumann said yes [to Hilberg’s proposal to write a dissertation on “The Destruction of the European Jews”], but he knew that at this moment I was separating myself from the mainstream of academic research to tread in territory that had been avoided by the academic world and the public alike. What he said to me in three words was, ‘It’s your funeral.’“ Hilberg, Politics of Memory , 66.

10They formed the basis for her book Eichmann in Jerusalem .

11For example, Ainsztein, Jewish Resistance , and Krakowski, War of the Doomed .

12Trunk, Judenrat .

13“In fact the behavior of the population during the killing operations was characterized by a tendency toward passivity. This inertness was the product of conflicting emotions and opposing restraints. The Slavs had no particular liking for their Jewish neighbors, and they felt no overpowering urge to help the Jews in their hour of need. In so far as there were such inclinations, they were effectively curbed by fear of reprisals from the Germans.” Hilberg, Destruction , 316.

14Hilberg, Politics of Memory , 110.

15Hilberg, Destruction , 312 n. 79.

16Spector, Holocaust of Volhynian Jews , 4-5.

17Ibid., 233-38.

18Weiss, “Jewish-Ukrainian Relations.” I should disclose that in 1983 I thought quite differently and accused Weiss of a “nationalist view of history.” “Roundtable,” 493.

19His very moving story is captured in an excellent documentary by Sarah Farhat and Olha Onyshko, Three Stories of Galicia (2010).

20Weiss, “Jewish-Ukrainian Relations,” 413.

21Weiss presented his paper at the conference on Ukrainian-Jewish relations held at McMaster University in Hamilton, ON, from 17 to 20 October 1983. It is not recorded in the proceedings of that conference (Potichnyj and Aster, Ukrainian-Jewish Relations ), but I recall a dramatic moment when Weiss was challenged by a man who claimed to have served in the Ukrainian Auxiliary Police and denied that the police had been involved in anti-Jewish actions during the war. Weiss countered by reading aloud from authentic police documents in the Ukrainian language that recorded how many Jews policemen had killed during an action.

22See below, 431.

23Weiss, “Jewish-Ukrainian Relations,” 418.

24Yones, Evrei L’vova. Other translations I consulted: Yones, Smoke in the Sand ; Yones, Die Strasse nach Lemberg ; Yones, Die Juden in Lemberg . In some earlier writings, I mistakenly stated that Yones first wrote and published his book in the 1950s.

25He also mistakenly identified Taras Bulba-Borovets as an OUN leader. Yones, Evrei L’vova , 383 n. 6.

26Mirchuk, In the German Mills of Death .

27Mirchuk, Narys , 582-83.

28Kovaliv, “Herasymenko.” I am grateful to Marco Carynnyk for first informing me that the pseudonymous H. Polikarpenko under whose name the history appeared was actually P. Herasymenko.

29Herasymenko, Orhanizatsiia Ukrains’kykh Natsionalistiv , 43; see also 40-44, 50-51.

30Ibid., 8.

31Ibid., 131.

32The UHVR or Ukrainian Supreme Liberation Council is discussed below, 375-76. Shankovsky was a founding member.

33Yurkevich, “Ukrainian Nationalists and DP Politics.” Rudling, “‘Not Quite Klaus Barbie.’“

34By southern Ukraine Shankovsky meant the Dnipropetrovsk, Kirovohrad, Mykolaiv, Odessa, Stalino (now Donetsk), Voroshylovhrad (now Luhansk), and Zaporizhzhia oblasts in their wartime boundaries as well as Crimea. Shankovs’kyi, Pokhidni hrupy , 27.

35This narrative permeates the book, but this particular summary is based on ibid., 21-22. On workers wanting free and fair elections and democracy and on their opposition to the leader principle, see 107. On the August 1943 program, see below, 368-70, 377.

36Shankovs’kyi, Pokhidni hrupy , 317-18.

37Ibid., 19.

38Ibid., 20, 56.

39Ibid., 110.

40Ibid., 163-64, 175.

41Ibid., 66 n. 27.

42Ibid., 237, 249.

43Ibid., 249.

44A well known example of this subjectivist scholarship is Hellbeck, “Fashioning the Stalinist Soul.”

45Kuromiya, Freedom and Terror in the Donbas , 281.

46Dobrovol’s’kyi, OUN na Donechchyni , 3-4.

47Shankovs’kyi, Pokhidni hrupy , 169, 172.

48Dobrovol’s’kyi, OUN na Donechchyni , 226. In addition, she continued, her husband enjoyed the trust of the German authorities.

49Ibid., 218, 231.

50Ibid., 221.

51Ibid., 247.

52Ibid., 265, 270-71, 273, 275-77, 291, 293.

53“Ukraintsi do pratsi!” Reproduced in Dobrovol’s’kyi, OUN na Donechchyni , 342. Ukrains’kyi Donbas came out in Horlivka in Donetsk oblast.

54“Ukrains’ka molod’!” Reproduced in Dobrovol’s’kyi, OUN na Donechchyni , 343.

55“Uchyteli ukraintsi!” Reproduced in Dobrovol’s’kyi, OUN na Donechchyni , 344. A similar proclamation appeared in Ukrains’kyi Donbas on 18 January 1942: “Do napolehlyvoi pratsi!” Reproduced in Dobrovol’s’kyi, OUN na Donechchyni , 346.

56Dobrovol’s’kyi, OUN na Donechchyni , 273-74; photoreproduction of first page of the order, 339. Olhynka is no longer a raion capital.

57Ibid., 268. For other indications of anti-Jewish sentiment among OUN members in the Donbas see 135, 215. On truth and legend about OUN in the Donbas, see also Radchenko, “‘Two Policemen Came.’“

58Lewytzkyj, “Natsional’nyi rukh pid chas Druhoi svitovoi viiny,” is an interview, but to my knowledge it is the only attempt to sketch the history of the Mitrynga faction of OUN during World War II.

59Bahrianyi, “Natsional’na ideia i ‘natsionalizm,’“ in Bahrianyi, Publitsystyka , 63.

60Armstrong, “Heroes and Human.”

61As I wrote in 2010: “In the mid-1980s the Solidarity underground in Poland wanted to publish texts about Ukrainian nationalism and requested through an intermediary, the late Janusz Radziejowski, that I convey to them copies of Armstrong’s book as well as Alex Motyl’s Turn to the Right . After reading them in Polish translation, Janusz wrote to me in 1988 that for all the scholarly value of these books, he was very disappointed that they took no cognizance of the tremendous tragedy of the Jews.” Himka, “Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists,” 87. Radziejowski’s criticism was unfair in relation to Motyl’s book, which only encompassed the period through 1929. For more on Armstrong’s position, see Berkhoff and Carynnyk, “The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists,” 175 n. 22.

62Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism , 110-12.

63Ibid., 54, 56 (a map appears on p. 55). See below, 225-303.

64Ibid., 79 n. 28, 118.

65Dobrovol’s’kyi, OUN na Donechchyni , 294 (reprint of excerpts from Stakhiv’s memoir of 1956).

66Shankovs’kyi, Pokhidni hrupy , 85-86, 94, 101-02, 147.

67“...The authors have been guided, and this needs to be strongly emphasized, by Marxist-Leninist criteria in the national question and in the evaluation of social problems.” Szcześniak and Szota. Droga do nikąd , 6.

68Nowak, “‘Droga do nikąd.” This is a review of a reprint of Droga do nikąd in 2013.

69Kedryn Rudnyts’kyi, Zhytiia—podii—liudy , 356.

70Gitelman, “Politics and the Historiography of the Holocaust in the Soviet Union.” Amar, “Disturbed Silence.”

71On developments in America, see the classic study by Peter Novick, The Holocaust in American Life .

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