J. H. Merle D'Aubigné - History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin (Vol. 1-8)

=SIDERANDER'S CURIOSITY.=

The Sorbonne, the religious orders, and all fervent catholics, being convinced that the innovators, by exalting Jesus Christ and his Word, were humbling the Church and the papacy, were determined to wage a deadly war against them. They thought that if they first struck down the most formidable of their adversaries, they could easily disperse the rest of the rebel army. But against whom should the first blow be aimed? This was the subject of deliberation in those councils which the curious Siderander desired so much to overhear.

Before we learn what was preparing at the Sorbonne, we must enter more illustrious council-chambers, and transport ourselves to Bologna.

307'Rex Navarræ instinctu uxoris et episcopus regem sollicitare ... seditionis crimen intendere.'—Sturm to Bucer.

308'Gerardum removeat a concionibus.'— Corp. Ref. ii. p. 648.

309'Placuit regi ut Beda cum suis oratoribus et G. Rufus, quisque in suis ædibus, tanquam privata custodia detineretur.'—Sturm to Bucer.

310'Ut ne accusatores viderentur, sed opinatores tantum, et inquisitores hæreticæ pravitatis.'—Ibid.

311'Tum bonus noster Beda in Monte suo Acuto manere coactus est.'—Siderander Bedroto.

312'In mulo suo equitantem vidi.'—Siderander Bedroto.

313'Judicium de hæresi sibi reservavit.'—Sturmius Bucero.

314'Vociferati sunt seditiosissime, regi minantes ipsi.'—Melanchthon to Spalatin, Corp. Ref. ii. p. 685.

315'Rex, quoniam esset exacerbatus, irrisit tanquam Arcadicorum pecorum.'—Sturm to Bucer.

316H. de Coste, Le parfait Ecclésiastique , p. 73.

317'Cujus vel permissu vel jussu populum commovissent et læsissent regem.'—Sturm to Bucer, ed. Schmidt.

318'Responderunt ex consensu et placito magistrorum nostrorum.'—Sturm to Bucer, ed. Schmidt.

319'Theologi cum pericula animadverterent, negabant.'—Ibid.

320'Nunquam velit Bedam reverti.'—Sturm to Bucer.

321'Gerardus libere concionatur; et imperatum theologis, si quid habeant negotii adversus eum, ut jure agant.'—Melanchthon to Spalatin, July 22. Corp. Ref. ii. p. 658.

322'Senex quidem theologus hanc contumeliam theologici ordinis adeo ægre tulit, ut delirio vitam amiserit.'—Melanchthon to Spalatin. Corp. Ref. ii. p. 658.

323'Ὁι θεολόγοι non die, non nocte, unquam cessant ab opere.'—Siderander, Strasburg MSS.

324'Illi miserantur optimi Bedæ.'—Ibid.

325'Hominem tam grandem natu, exilium tam durum pati oportere.'—Ibid.

326'Audias alios qui gaudio exultent.'—Ibid.

327'Vide rerum commutationem ... Praeter senes Priamos et paucos alios, nemo est qui faveat istis sacerdotibus Phrygiis.'—Sturm to Bucer.

328'Juniores theologi jam sapere incipiunt.'—Ibid.

329'Maximam turbam ante collegium Montis Acuti vidi.'—Siderander Bedroto.

330'Beda urbe pulsus cum aliis quibusdam sycophantis.'—Melanchthon to Spalatin, Corp. Ref. ii. p. 658.

331'Palam prædicare Christum quidam cœperunt, omnes loqui liberius.'—Bucer to Blaarer. Strasburg MSS.

332'Christus evangelii gloriam augeat.'—Melanchthon to Spalatin. Corp. Ref. ii. p. 658.

333'In qua pulcherrime suisque coloribus omnes isti theologi depingebantur.'—Siderander Bedroto.

334'Alii auctorem clamabant esse hæreticum.'—Siderander Bedroto.

335'Tandem nescio quis delator dilaceravit.'—Ibid.

336'Quos cum viderem, descripsi et ipse,' and here follow the verses. Schmidt, G. Roussel. Pièces Justificatives , p. 205.

337'Ut supplicium de detestandis illis hæreticis sumat, eosque extirpet funditus.'—Ibid.

338Galatians i. 17-21.

339'Nec ei mox defuit in quo sese strenue exerceret.'—Bezæ Vita Calvini .

340Bezæ Vita Calvini . Herzog, Real Encyclopädie , art. Calvin . Schmidt, G. Roussel , p. 94.

341'Omnibus purioris religionis studiosis innotuit.'—Bezæ Vita Calv.

342'Non sine insigni pietatis testimonio.'—Ibid.

343'Heri videre volui quidnam in Sorbonna ageretur.'—Siderander Bedroto.

344'Picturas et imagines quæ ibi venduntur.'—Ibid.

345'Budæum egredientem video.'—Siderander Bedroto.

346'Quem relicto instituto secutus sum.'—Ibid.

347'Me rogavit ut musæum suum viderem.'—Ibid.

348'Quid novi jam pater moliretur.'—Ibid.

349'Negabat quicquam moliri.'—Ibid.

350'Quod nos ignoramus.'—Siderander Bedroto.

351'Nemo est qui possit expiscari omnia ... Omnia tumultum minari videntur.'—Ibid.

Table of Contents

THE emperor, having descended the Italian slopes of the Alps and crossed the north of Italy, arrived at Bologna on the 5th of December, 1532, somewhat annoyed at the escape of Duke Christopher, but not suspecting that it would lead to any serious consequences. This city, afterwards made famous by Guido, Domenichino, the two Caracci, and by Benedict XIV., one of the most distinguished popes of the eighteenth century, grew more animated every day. The pope had arrived there: princes, nobles, prelates, and courtiers filled its splendid palaces; a new world was in motion around the churches, the Asinelli, the fountain of Neptune, and the other monuments which adorn that ancient city. The emperor had desired a conference with the pope, with the intention of uniting closely with him, and through him with the other catholic princes, to act together against their two enemies, France and the Reformation. But Charles was mistaken if he thought to find himself alone with the pope at Bologna. He was to meet with opponents who would hold their own against him: a struggle was about to begin around Clement VII. between France and the empire. Francis I., who had just had a conference with Henry VIII., did not care, indeed, to meet Charles; but his place in Italy was to be supplied by men who would do his work better than he could do it himself. On the 4th of January, 1533, Cardinals de Tournon and de Gramont, sent by Francis to Clement to threaten him with a certain 'great injury' which he might have cause to regret for ever, arrived in this city. Would the presence of the two cardinals thwart Charles's plans?

=PLANS OF CHARLES V.=

The first point which the emperor desired to carry was the convocation of a general council. A grave man and always occupied with business, he possessed a soul greedy of dominion. Ferdinand and Isabella having founded their power in Spain by restoring that country to unity, he desired to do in central Europe what they had done in the peninsula, that is, unite it under his patronage, if not under his sceptre. And lo! Germany is suddenly broken in his hands and divided into two parts. Sad humiliation! When he had crossed the Alps, after Soliman's retreat, he had no longer that unlimited confidence in his genius and authority which he had felt two years before, when going to the diet of Augsburg. He had come from Spain to crush that new sect which thwarted the dreams of his ambition; and instead of crushing it, he had been forced to recognise it. After the retreat of the Turks, Charles found himself at the head of a numerous and triumphant army, and men asked one another if he would not fall upon the protestants with it; but the best soldiers of that army were protestant themselves. Other means must be resorted to in order to bring the schism to an end. He weighed everything carefully, and brought to this business that nice and calm attention which always distinguished him. Knowing that the result of an appeal to arms was uncertain, and that instead of restoring concord he might stir up a hatred that nothing could extinguish, he decided in favour of a council to restore unity, and made his demand to the pope at Bologna. But Clement VII. feared a council as much as Charles desired it. 'They would want to redress grievances,' he said to his confidants, 'and reform abuses, quite as much as to extirpate heresy.' Possessing great intelligence and rare ability, vain, cunning, false, and with no elevation of soul, Clement determined to put off this assembly indefinitely, although always promising it. While the emperor recognised the inefficiency of temporal arms, the pope felt still more keenly the inefficiency of spiritual arms. Each of these two personages distrusted the power of which he had most experience. The humble Gospel of the reformers intimidated both Church and Empire. Clement conferred on the subject with the Archbishop of Cortona, governor of Bologna, with the legate Campeggio, and with the nuncio Gambara: all agreed with him, and declared that to desire to bring back protestants to the Romish faith otherwise than by force was a very perilous enterprise.