J. H. Merle D'Aubigné - History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin (Vol. 1-8)

After this the martyr was led back to the court, where sentence of death was pronounced upon him. Caturce surveyed his judges with indignation, and, as he left the tribunal, exclaimed in Latin: 'Thou seat of iniquity! Thou court of injustice!' He was now led to the scaffold, and at the stake continued exhorting the people to know Jesus Christ. 'It is impossible to calculate the great fruit wrought by his death,' says the chronicle, 'especially among the students then at the university of Toulouse,' that is to say, in the year 1532. 213

Certain preachers, however, who had taught the new doctrine, backslided deplorably at this time, and checked the progress of the Word in the south; among them were the prothonotary of Armagnac, the cordelier Des Noces, as well as his companion the youthful Melchior Flavin, 'a furious hypocrite,' as Beza calls him. One of those who had received in their hearts the fire that warmed the energetic Caturce, held firm to the truth, even in the presence of the stake: he was a grey friar named Marcii. Having performed 'wonders' by his preaching in Rouergue, he was taken to Toulouse, and there sealed with his blood the doctrines he had so faithfully proclaimed. 214

=TWO MODES OF REFORMATION.=

We must soon turn to that external reformation imagined by some of the king's advisers, under the inspiration of the Queen of Navarre, and by certain German protestants who, under the influence of motives partly religious, partly political, proposed to reform Christendom by means of a council, without doing away with the Romish episcopate. But we must first return to that humble and powerful teacher, the noble representative of a scriptural and living reformation, who, while urging the necessity of a spiritual unity, set in the foremost rank the imprescriptible rights of truth.

189Seckendorf, pp. 1170, 1171.

190'Fratris iras pro viribus moderavit.'—Bezæ Icones .

191'Propter quæstum, cum contumelia Christi et cum periculo animarum.'— Corp. Ref. ii. p. 472.

192Sleidan, ch. viii.

193'Ihm eine gnädige Mine gemacht.'—Seckendorf, p. 118.

194Sleidan, ch. viii. p. 232.

195'Gallus rescripsit humanissime.'— Corp. Ref. ii. p. 503.

196Du Bellay, Mémoires , iv. p. 167.

197'Sondern gienge alles unter einander wie das Viehe.—Schelhorn, p. 289.

198'Illi reges sua agunt negotia.'— Corp. Ref. ii. p. 518.

199Du Bellay, Mém. p. 167.

200Bèze, Hist. Eccl. i. p. 8.

201'Corpus et sanguinem Domini, in veritate, manibus sacerdotum tractari, frangi, et fidelium dentibus atteri.' (The formula which Pope Nicholas exacted of Bérenger.)—Lanfranc, De Euchar. cap. v.

202'Speciebus illis nequaquam adhærendum, sed fidei alis ad cœlos evolandum esse. Illud subinde repetens: Sursum corda! sursum corda! '—Flor. Rémond, Hist. de l'Hérésie , ii. p. 225. See also Maimbourg, Calvinisme , pp. 22-24.

203'Bellaii opera, Gallus hic in secretiorem locum vocatus.'-Flor. Rémond, ii. p. 225.

204'Regi scrupulos non leves injecit.'—Ibid.

205'Idem de aliis quoque fidei articulis.'—Ibid.

206A play upon the priest's name, both in French and in Latin. 'Lotharingus et Turnonius cardinales Galli hujus cantu excitati.'—Flor. Rémond, ii. p. 225.

207'Antennas dimittite ac vela colligite, ne ad errorum scopulos illisa navi æternæ salutis naufragium faciatis.'—Flor. Rémond, Hist. de l'Hérésie , ii. p. 225.

208Théod. de Bèze, Hist. Eccl. i. p. 7.

209This jour des Rois corresponds with our Twelfth day .

210Théod. de Bèze, Hist. Eccl. i. p. 7. Crespin, Martyrologue , fol. 106.

211Théod. de Bèze, Hist. Eccl. i. p. 7. Crespin, Martyrologue , fol. 106.

2121 Timothy iv. 1.

213Théod. de Bèze, Hist. Eccl. i. p. 7. Crespin, Martyrologue , fol. 106.

214Ibid.

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LECOQ had been caught in the snares of the world; Caturce had perished in the flames; some elect souls appeared to be falling into a third danger—a sort of christianity, partly mystical, partly worldly, partly Romanist. But there was a young man among the evangelicals who was beginning to occasion some uneasiness in the lukewarm. Calvin—for it is of him we speak—was successively attacked on these three sides, and yet he remained firm. He did more than this, for every day he enlarged the circle of his christian activity. An advocate, a young frondeur , a pious tradesman, a catholic student, a professor of the university, and the Queen of Navarre—all received from him at this time certain impulses which carried them forward in the path of truth.

=DANIEL'S VIEWS FOR CALVIN.=

The advocate Daniel loved him dearly, and desired to keep him in the Romish communion. His large understanding, his energetic character, his indefatigable activity seemed to promise the Church a St. Augustin or a St. Bernard; he must be raised to some important post where he would have a prospect of making himself useful. The advocate, who thought Calvin far less advanced in the ways of liberty than he really was, had an idea of obtaining for him an ecclesiastical charge which, he imagined, would perfectly suit his young friend: it was that of official or vicar-general, empowered to exercise episcopal jurisdiction. Would Daniel succeed? Would he rob the Reformation of this young and brilliant genius? Influential men were ready to aid him in establishing Calvin in the ranks of the Romish hierarchy. Accordingly the first temptation to which he was exposed proceeded from clerical ambition.

An ecclesiastic of high birth, John, Count of Longueville and Archbishop of Toulouse, had been appointed Bishop of Orleans in 1521, with permission to retain his archbishopric. 215In 1532 a new bishop was expected at Orleans, either because Longueville was dead, or because, on account of his illness, a coadjutor had become necessary. The pluralist prelate was a fellow-countryman of Calvin's. 216Daniel, thinking that he ought to seize this opportunity of procuring the post of official for the young scholar, made the first overtures to Calvin on the 6th of January, 1532. 'I never will abandon,' he said, 'the old and mutual friendship that unites us.' And then, having by this means sought to conciliate his favourable attention, he skilfully insinuated his wishes. 'We are expecting the bishop's arrival every day; I should be pleased if, by the care of your friends, you were so recommended to him that he conferred on you the charge of official or some other post.' 217There was much in this to flatter the self-love of a young man of twenty-three. If Calvin had been made vicar-general at so early an age, he would not have stopped there; that office often led to the highest dignities, and his brilliant genius, his great and strong character, would have made him a bishop, cardinal, who can say? ... perhaps pope. Instead of freeing the Church he would have enslaved it; and instead of being plain John Calvin he might perhaps have been the Hildebrand of his age.

What will Calvin do? Although settled as regards doctrine, he was still undecided with regard to the Church: it was a period of transition with him. 'On the one hand,' he said, 'I feel the call of God which holds me fast to the Church, and on the other I fear to take upon myself a burden which I cannot bear.... What perplexity!' 218Erelong the temptation presented itself. 'Consider!' whispered an insidious voice; 'an easy, studious, honoured, useful life!'—'Alas!' he said, 'as soon as anything appears which pleases us, instantly the desires of the flesh rush impetuously after it, like wild beasts.' We cannot tell whether these 'wild beasts' were roused in his ardent soul, but at least, if there was any covetousness within, 'which tempted the heart,' he forced it to be still. Strong decision distinguishes the christian character of Calvin. The new man within him rejected with horror all that the old man had loved. Far from entering into new ties, he was thinking of breaking those which still bound him to the Roman hierarchy. He therefore did not entertain Daniel's proposal. Of the two roads that lay before him, he chose the rougher one, and gave himself to God alone.