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Malcolm Nance: The Plot to Hack America

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Malcolm Nance The Plot to Hack America

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In April 2016, computer technicians at the Democratic National Committee discovered that someone had accessed the organization’s computer servers and conducted a theft that is best described as Watergate 2.0. In the weeks that followed, the nation’s top computer security experts discovered that the cyber thieves had helped themselves to everything: sensitive documents, emails, donor information, even voice mails. Soon after, the remainder of the Democratic Party machine, the congressional campaign, the Clinton campaign, and their friends and allies in the media were also hacked. Credit cards numbers, phone numbers, and contacts were stolen. In short order, the FBI found that more than twenty-five state election offices had their voter registration systems probed or attacked by the same hackers. Western intelligence agencies tracked the hack to Russian spy agencies and dubbed them the CYBER BEARS. The media was soon flooded with the stolen information channeled through Julian Assange, the founder of WikiLeaks. It was a massive attack on America but the Russian hacks appeared to have a singular goal—elect Donald J. Trump as president of the United States. New York Times The Plot to Hack America Praise for Malcolm Nance’s bestselling : ON RUSSIAN HACKING RUSSIA’S RESPONSE “I really think the [2016 Presidential] candidates ought to read this…. You should buy this book.” —RACHEL MADDOW, The Rachel Maddow Show, MSNBC “A comprehensive, authoritative, and detailed compendium on the Islamic State (ISIS).” — “In his detailed and informed study Nance argues that, in effect, America’s War on Terror created a new breed of vicious terrorists who wear the mask of Islam like actors in a Kabuki theatre while carrying out horrifically un-Islamic acts.” —RICHARD ENGEL, Chief Foreign Correspondent, NBC News, from his foreword “Putin and the leaders throughout the world have no respect for our country anymore and they certainly have no respect for our leader.” —DONALD TRUMP, Republican presidential candidate and president of the Trump Organization “We know that Russian intelligence services hacked into the DNC and we know that they arranged for a lot of those emails to be released…. But I think laying out the facts raises serious issues about Russian interference in our elections, in our democracy.” —HILLARY CLINTON, Democratic presidential candidate and former Secretary of State “What we do know is that the Russians hack our systems. Not just government systems, but private systems.” —PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA “As an American double agent who worked against Russian intelligence in the US, this book shows how Putin’s spies stop at nothing.” —NAVEED JAMALI, former double agent and author of “I wouldn’t know anything about it. You know, there are so many hackers today and they work with such finesse, planting a trail where and when they need…. It’s difficult to trace, if even possible…. The important thing here is what the public was shown…. One shouldn’t draw the public attention from the core of the issue by replacing it with secondary details like who did it.” —VLADIMIR PUTIN “Overall, we still see attempts to use—manically use—the Russian issue during the US electoral campaign…. The absurd claims were immediately refuted directly by a presidential candidate’s family.” —DMITRY PESKOV, Russian government spokesman

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School of the Second Profession

During Putin’s time at the KGB, “active operations”—shorthand for direct espionage—drew on a rich history. Russia had a long tradition of court espionage and intrigue among the European kingdoms. As far back as anyone could remember, the ancient methods of spying formed the basis for every thought and action of the Tsars. It was far more sophisticated in some ways than today, due to its heavy reliance on solid tradecraft and observation techniques in a world limited by foot and horse. The KGB taught its officers the traditions of using manual codes and ciphers, slow surveillance, concocting poisons, reading secret inks, and forging of false handwriting as skills to master and to appreciate.

Most importantly, learning to read people, their wants, dreams, likes, dislikes and desires—all to get them to betray their own country—was the most basic and oldest of all lessons in the Russian intelligence foundations.

Every one of the Russian Emperors and Tsars established secret intelligence collection; maintaining court influence required advanced information on plots and betrayals, as well as the occasional murder. The Oprichnina, established in 1565 by Ivan the Terrible, was the first known Russian intelligence agency. They were six thousand horse guard uniformed in all-black cavalry clothes, and their coat of arms was “The Broom and The Dog”—to sniff out and sweep up anyone opposed to Ivan. 6Their duty was simple. They were the police, bodyguard, and spies tasked to detect, hunt down, and kill Ivan’s enemies. When the Oprichnina outlived their usefulness, Ivan dissolved the organization in 1572, but in seven years they set the pace for state terror and espionage.

In 1697 Peter the Great established the Preobrazhensky Office; Empress Anne established the Chancellery for Secret Investigations in 1731, and Peter III had an organization called the Secret Bureau. All of these state organs opened illicit letters, listened to whispers at keyholes, assassinated enemies, and intercepted couriers. But it was Emperor Nicholas I who set up the Third Section. This group went far further than any of the previous amateurish gendarmerie. They did not just open letters from mistresses; the Third Section was the first agency to truly train, maintain and deploy professional Russian foreign intelligence officers for missions targeting foreign countries.

As rulers gained power they used increasingly brutal secret police tactics. Nicholas I’s successor, Alexander II, established the Okhrana, an organization that set the precedent of being completely above any law while acting in the defense of the realm. They carried out mass surveillance, arrests without warrant, summary executions as they saw fit—all in the name of the Tsar. They operated as deep cover spies in the European courts and ran spy networks in France, Switzerland, and Britain. While they watched and killed revolutionaries and anti-government plotters of all stripes, the Okhrana’s specialty was to infiltrate and suppress dissidents living abroad. Somehow these agencies could not stop the spread of ideologies and none had a great impact on the coming communist uprising. Tsar Nicholas II was well informed of the Communist unrest in his armed forces, but his secret police were either unable or unwilling to stop the Russian Revolution, or his death—along with his family—at the hands of the Bolsheviks.

In February 1917, over four hundred thousand industrial workers in St. Petersburg revolted and with the aid of the Russian army, overthrew Tsar Nicholas II. Vladimir Iliych Lenin gave them that revolution and in 1917 he knew, better than most, the necessity for a secret agency to prevent a Royalist counter-revolution. One of his first acts was to establishe the All Russia Extraordinary Commission for Combating Counter Revolution and Sabotage, known simply as the Cheka, from the Cyrillic acronym. 7

The first director of the Cheka was Felix Dzerzhinsky. The coat of arms for the Cheka organization was the Sword on a Shield. Dzerzhinsky organized his agency to be an absolutely ruthless internal security tool. To Dzerzhinsky the Cheka “…Stood for organized terror… Terror is an absolute necessity during times of revolution… We terrorize the enemies of the Soviet government in order to stop crime at its inception.” That philosophy permeates the belief system of every Russian secret service officer up to today. So famed was Dzerzhinsky that a statue known as the Iron Felix stood in in Lyubyanka square—also known as Dzerzhinsky Square—in front of the Moscow headquarters of the KGB for almost seventy years. Although the statue disappeared after the failed coup of 1991, the KGB’s successor organization, the FSB, still occupies the offices at that location.

With the death of Lenin in 1924, Joseph Broz Stalin took over. During this time Stalin used the secret police forces to arrest and execute an estimated 50 million people in order to maintain order among citizens. In 1930 the NKVD appeared, and later established the Administration of Special Tasks. Their job was to infiltrate agents and convert socialist supporters of the revolution in Western and fascist countries, in addition to exterminating dissent among potential NKVD backsliders. During the 1930s some of the great successes would be to develop spies in British and American universities and recruit members of the Cambridge Five spy ring, including Harold Adrian Russell “Kim” Philby, an officer of the British Secret Service MI6, Guy Burgess, and Don McLean.

After more than a decade of tumultuous leadership, Lavrenti Beria expanded the NKVD, which was under the OGPU, to the point where a separate organization needed to be created. This became NKGB, in charge of internal security, espionage, and guerilla activities in World War II. When Stalin died in 1953, Beria tried to replace him, but the politburo arrested, tried, and executed Beria in 1953. Nikita Khrushchev would head the new soviet government and on March 13, 1954 formally established the Komitet Gosudarstvennoy Bezopasnosti (“Committee for State Security”) or KGB. It would be responsible for all facets of state security including internal security, police, and border patrol, and for the next four decades would operate a ruthless campaign against the West—as well as the citizens of the Soviet Union.

Ivan Serov was named the first Chairman of the KGB. Its first task was to eradicate Beria supporters. With reorganization under Khrushchev, the Soviet Union relaxed censorship, reduced the size of prison camps, and became more active in foreign affairs. In 1958, Aleksandr Shelepin became KGB chairman. “Shelli” sought to enhance the USSR by destabilizing “enemy” nations including the U.S., Britain, and Japan. This led to almost three decades of Soviet-sponsored anticolonial terrorism in the Middle East, Europe, Africa, and Latin America.

By 1967 Yuri Andropov, the longest-serving KGB chairman with fifteen years in the post, headed the KGB. Andropov headed the KGB’s “golden age,” continuing Khrushchev and Shelepin’s organizational restructuring, while stepping up intelligence gathering and foreign espionage. He helped build an organizational structure to fund and supervise technological advancements in Russian defense while actively suppressing any government dissidence. Andropov stepped down in 1982, to lead the Politburo.

After a short series of leaders, Vladimir Kryuchkov became the last chairman of the KGB in 1988, leading a failed coup August 18, 1991 to overthrow Mikhail Gorbachev. The Communist party was effectively dissolved December 25, 1991, ending the bloody seventy-year legacy. What was left was a nascent post-Communist Russian state, and every state needs an intelligence agency; the KGB would survive after the Soviet Union expired.

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