Tiago Saraiva - Fascist Pigs

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Fascist Pigs: краткое содержание, описание и аннотация

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In the fascist regimes of Mussolini’s Italy, Salazar’s Portugal, and Hitler’s Germany, the first mass mobilizations involved wheat engineered to take advantage of chemical fertilizers, potatoes resistant to late blight, and pigs that thrived on national produce. Food independence was an early goal of fascism; indeed, as Tiago Saraiva writes in
, fascists were obsessed with projects to feed the national body from the national soil. Saraiva shows how such technoscientific organisms as specially bred wheat and pigs became important elements in the institutionalization and expansion of fascist regimes. The pigs, the potatoes, and the wheat embodied fascism. In Nazi Germany, only plants and animals conforming to the new national standards would be allowed to reproduce. Pigs that didn’t efficiently convert German-grown potatoes into pork and lard were eliminated.
Saraiva describes national campaigns that intertwined the work of geneticists with new state bureaucracies; discusses fascist empires, considering forced labor on coffee, rubber, and cotton in Ethiopia, Mozambique, and Eastern Europe; and explores fascist genocides, following Karakul sheep from a laboratory in Germany to Eastern Europe, Libya, Ethiopia, and Angola.
Saraiva’s highly original account — the first systematic study of the relation between science and fascism — argues that the “back to the land” aspect of fascism should be understood as a modernist experiment involving geneticists and their organisms, mass propaganda, overgrown bureaucracy, and violent colonialism.
A list of the series appears at the back of the book. Inside Technology
edited by Wiebe E. Bijker, W. Bernard Carlson, and Trevor J. Pinch

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114

Telesforo Bonadonna, “La Fecondazione Artificiale degli animali nell’ Africa Italiana,” VII Congresso Internazionale d’Agricoltura Tropicale e Subtropicale, Tripoli, March 1939.

115

Joseph Corn, The Winged Gospel: America’s Romance with Aviation, 1900–1950 (Oxford University Press, 1983).

116

Ibid.

117

Michel Callon, “Elements of a sociology of translation: Domestication of the Scallops and the Fishermen of St Brieuc Bay,” in Power, Action and Belief: A New Sociology of Knowledge? ed. J. Law (Routledge, 1986).

118

Bonadonna, “La fecondazione artificiale”.

119

The following description of the Giggiga Karakul experimental farm is based on G. Schultze, “Allevamento delle pecore Karakul e del bestiame in generale. Rapporto sul mio viaggio di studio attraverso il Territorio dell’Impero,” 1938–39, AIAO, fasc. 553. The experimental farm was also to raise cattle and merino sheep.

120

On the details of creating a Karakul farm under Italian colonial administration, see “Disciplinare per l’allevamento degli ovini Karakul,” 1939, AIAO, fasc. 1972.

121

G. Schultze, “Allevamento delle pecore Karakul,” 62–63.

122

See Reviel Netz, Barbed Wire: An Ecology of Modernity (Wesleyan University Press, 2004).

123

René Pélissier, História das campanhas de Angola: resistência e revoltas (1845–1941) , vol. II (Estampa, 1986).

124

Valentim Alexandre, “Ideologia, economia e política: a questão colonial na implantação do Estado Novo,” Análise Social (1993): 1117–1136.

152

Ibid., p. 1132.

126

Cláudia Castelo, Passagens para África. O Povoamento de Angola e Moçambique com Naturais da Metrópole (1920–1974) (Afrontamento, 2007).

127

William Gervase Clarence-Smith, Slaves, Peasants, and Capitalists in Southern Angola 1840–1926 (Cambridge University Press, 1979); Carlos Alberto Medeiros, A Colonização das Terras Altas da Huíla (Angola). Estudo de Geografia Humana (Centro de Estudos Geográficos, 1976); Castelo, Passagens para África ; Cristiana Bastos, “Ilhas, planaltos e travessias: os fluxos de madeirenses entre plantações e colónias,” in As Ilhas da Europa, a Europa das Ilhas (Centro de Estudos de História do Atlântico, 2011); Jill Dias, “Angola,” in O Império Africano: 1825–1890 , ed. V. Alexandre and J. Dias (Estampa); Ruy Duarte Carvalho, Vou lá visitar pastores: exploração epistolar de um percurso angolano (1992–1997) (Cotovia, 1999).

128

João de Almeida, Sul de Angola, Relatório de um governo de distrito (1908–1910) (Anuário Comercial, 1912).

129

Edward E. Evans-Pritchard, The Nuer: A Description of the Modes of Livelihood and Political Institutions of a Nilotic People (Oxford University Press, 1965 [1940]).

130

Among many possible examples, see Ann Laura Stoler, Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule (University of California Press, 2002).

131

Eduardo Cruz de Carvalho, “Traditional and modern patterns of cattle in southwestern Angola: A critical evaluation from pastoralism to ranching,” Journal of Developing Areas 8, no. 2 (1974): 199–226; Medeiros, A Colonização das Terras Altas da Huíla (Angola) .

132

Not until the 1950s did Portuguese begin to acquire systematically large tracts of land (tens of thousands of hectares) to establish enormous cattle ranches according to the rules of modern husbandry. On use of the notion of parasitism to describe colonial situations, see Ricardo Roque, Headhunting and Colonialism: Anthropology and the Circulation of Human Skulls in the Portuguese Empire, 1870–1930 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2010).

133

Ruy Duarte de Carvalho, probably the most inspired author engaging with the region, in order to describe how Kuvale sociability was intertwined with cattle raising coined the notion of “social bull.” See Carvalho, Vou lá visitar pastores .

134

Pélissier, História das Campanhas de Angola , p. 269.

135

Carvalho, Vou lá visitar pastores , p. 79.

136

Manuel dos Santos Pereira, O que pode valer o caracul na economia e ocupação de Angola (Lisbon, Centro de Estudos Económicos, 1955).

137

Ibid., p. 6.

138

O Caracul (Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1959).

139

Ibid. For other examples of experiment stations guiding the patterns of settlement in Africa, see Christophe Bonneuil, “Development as experiment: Science and state building in late colonial and postcolonial Africa, 1930–1970,” Osiris 15 (2000): 258–281.

140

Cláudia Castelo, O Modo Português de Estar no Mundo: O Luso-Tropicalismo e a Ideologia Colonial Portuguesa (1933–1961) (Afrontamento, 1998).

141

Gilberto Freyre, Aventura e rotina: sugestões de uma viagem à procura das constantes portuguesas de carácter e acção (Livros do Brasil, 1980 [1953]).

142

Ibid., p. 374.

143

Ibid., p. 444. I thank Claudia Castelo for this reference to Karakul in Freyre’s work.

144

Freyre, Aventura e rotina , pp. 19–20.

145

Cristiana Bastos, “Tristes trópicos e alegres luso-tropicalismos: das notas de viagem em Lévi-Strauss e Gilberto Freyre,” Análise Social 33, no. 146–147 (1998): 415–432.

145

To my knowledge, there is no example in the literature that puts Portuguese colonialism in the context of fascist expansionism.

147

Manuel dos Santos Pereira, Plano de fomento do Karakul de Angola (Lisbon, 1953); “Situação do caraculo Angolano,” Boletim Geral do Ultramar 406 (1959): 27–56; Relazione sul PEK (Posto Experimental do Karakul), “Osservazioni del Dott. Mario Garutti”: 1951, AIAO, fasc. 1027. The last reference was found in the Italian Overseas Archive in Florence and was a report of an Italian settler sent to no other than Armando Maugini, who had converted from an expert in fascist expansionism into a specialist in Third World development.

148

Mario Garutti, Relazione sul PEK, AIAO, p. 17.

149

Manuel dos Santos Pereira, “Plano de Acção para o desenvolvimento do Caracul de Angola,” Arquivo do Instituto Português de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento (AIPAD), 1957, p. 19.

150

On Portuguese colonial labor regimes, see Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, “Das ‘dificuldades de levar os indigenas a trabalhar’: o sistema de trabalho nativo no império colonial portugues,” in O Império Colonial em questão (sécs XIX-XX): Poderes, Saberes, Instituições , ed. M. B. Jerónimo (Edições 70, 2012); Douglas Wheeler, “The Galvão Report on forced labor (1947) in historical context and perspective: Trouble-shooter who was trouble,” Portuguese Studies Review 16, no. 1 (2009): 115–152.

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