Andrew Cook - To Kill Rasputin

An affirmative answer would have shown me they were acting without communicating with Rasputin. They asked time to communicate with Petrograd in order to arrange for my pardon and for the money and I granted time so that I might definitely learn if said Rasputin was carrying on these negotiations and what he would try to do.

On or about the 14th day of September, 1916 they again called at my house. They told me that they had arranged a pardon for me and they had the money in their possessions. They asked me to call at the Consul’s office for the money on the following day. Next day I called at the office of the Russian Consul, 22 Washington Square. I saw the Consul-General Oustinoff and the Consul Rutsky. I spoke to both of them. The Consul-General then told me that he had arranged with the Metropolitan that they were not to publish the articles, but nevertheless he said he ordered the Consul to pay me $1000 and he gave me the $1000 and I signed a receipt in Russian for the same. This receipt I left with the Consul-General. In this conversation I was given to understand that they would send word to Petrograd that they had arranged to stop the publication and would pay me the balance of the money as soon as they had heard from Petrograd. They also gave me to understand that they had made this arrangement with the consent of the defendant herein and that they would obtain from the magazine the articles that were written by Tobenkin and the written interviews, which I gave them. At that time I began to believe that said Rasputin was in charge of this matter and I was extremely desirous of having a tender of monies made thereunder.

On the 19th I received a telephone message from consul Rutsky and he said to me that he was sorry to say that they were all through with this subject and would drop the whole matter. The Consul-General also talked to me at the same time asking me to call at the office for a friendly call. I went there on the 20th and he told me that they received word from Petrograd that I was not to receive the money. The Consul-General told me that he had talked to a Mr Whitney, the largest stockholder of the defendant and had induced him to agree not to publish the articles, and he asked me what I was going to do and I told him that I did not know. He then advised me to be very careful as to what I was doing as it may keep me away from Russia for the rest of my life.

The day before, the 19th, Mr Wigham telephoned and asked me to call. I went to see him and he told me that the articles would possibly never be published, but might be published after the war or within one year; he would give no definite date. He said he was very sorry for me but he would pay an additional $2,000. Up to this time I had received $2,000 from the defendant. This money I refused.

Subsequently I again saw Mr. Wigham and he repeated that he would not publish them at all.

During all my conversations with the defendant it was agreed that the article was to be published commencing October, 1916 and be continued thereafter and there would be five articles at $5,000. The money was to be paid me on August 1st. I only received $2,000.

It seems now and with the connivance of the Russian government, the Metropolitan Magazine refused to publish these articles and is willing to pay me in order to suppress them. I would never agree to suppress my articles. My intention was to publish them and my agreement with the defendant was for the publication of the articles and not for their suppression. My object in coming to this Country and giving this information to the Metropolitan Magazine was to have published in a neutral country this information of such great interest to Russia and my people. I have suffered imprisonment in my opposition to Rasputin, and would not permit this defendant or anybody else to silence my voice in this matter. The money I received is only small compensation for my expenses and the money is the least of my objects in this matter. The suppression of this article by this magazine, the copyrighting of the subject matter in part at least, prevent other magazines from publishing it and thereby the exposure which I desire to have it made is completely suppressed.

The defendant claims that they are the owners of the said articles written from the data which I gave them, and they consider it their property to do with what they please, and that they publish what they please concerning the same and that they will enjoin me from publishing the same, and will interfere with any other publication of this matter.

That in the November issue, the defendant published on the cover my picture or a picture, which was supposed to be of myself, but the article itself did not appear.

Since that time the defendant has repeatedly attempted to have me accept the $2000 but I refused to do so.

The defendant has committed a breach of its contract in that it failed to pay the money by August 1st, 1916 and has failed to carry out its agreement to publish the said articles and in violation thereof has intended and does intend to suppress the same.

I intend to use the material which I gave to them and the other material which I gave to them and the other material which I have concerning the Russian Emperor, the Czarina and the Russian Court in my own way and I desire an injunction order restraining the defendant from publishing or using the said manuscripts or any information which I gave them or from making the same public or from showing the same to any person, persons or corporation whatsoever until the trial of this action, and from interfering with my publication through other channels.

Russia in conjunction with the allies is now at war with Germany and its allies. The information which I have obtained in my close connection at Russian courts and with the Russian government has a peculiar importance at this time, during the war. It is a problem just how much value this information may have after the war. Russian court life and anything that pertains to the Russian government are now an interesting topic for literature, magazines and newspapers and it is possible that this interest may not exist after the war. Further, and more important, the suppression of this information at this time when it may weaken or destroy the Rasputin influence and intrigues may work an incalculable injury to Russia, and will defeat the purpose for which I am working and have suffered imprisonment.

As appears in the complaint herein I have graduated from the Imperial Sacred College of Petrograd and have been ordained a priest and also a monk priest. I was also a monk priest. I was also a professor of oratory and sermons. I was also a preacher of wide fame throughout Russia. I was also an Abbott at Tsaritsin Convent. I was prominently identified with the revolutions of 1905. I was strongly identified with the suppression of same and throughout Russia have been given the credit of being instrumental in their overthrow.

I was a confidential friend and advisor of Rasputin an illiterate and uneducated peasant who is known as a Pilgrim possessing certain supernatural gifts and he now dominates the Russian Court and the Empress Czarina and the Czar to a certain extent. My relations with Rasputin have been so intimate and friendly that I am acquainted with the secrets of the Russian Court and the wild orgies of the Russian Courtiers headed by the Empress. This Rasputin is strongly pro-German and has such influence over the Czarina through his personal relations with her as to obtain her influence against the allies and in favour of Germany. This has recently resulted in a change of ministry of the Russian government. Rasputin is now engaged in a conspiracy to bring about a separate peace with the Russian government to apply for a loan of three million roubles from the English government with the threat that in case the money is not forthcoming a separate peace will be signed this winter. I am also informed that there is now a Russian officer, a relative of Rasputin, sent specially to spy upon me, from Russia.