Stratton was startled, but tried not to show it. ‘I had not considered that,’ he said carefully.
Ashbourne also seemed mildly surprised. ‘I wasn’t aware that you intended such a policy.’
‘I considered it premature to mention it earlier,’ said Fieldhurst. ‘Counting one’s chickens before they’re hatched, as they say.’
‘Of course.’
‘You must agree that the potential is enormous. By exercising some judgment when choosing who may bear children or not, our government could preserve the nation’s racial stock.’
‘Is our racial stock under some threat?’ asked Stratton.
‘Perhaps you have not noticed that the lower classes are reproducing at a rate exceeding that of the nobility and gentry. While commoners are not without virtues, they are lacking in refinement and intellect. These forms of mental impoverishment beget the same: a woman born into low circumstances cannot help but gestate a child destined for the same. Consequent to the great fecundity of the lower classes, our nation would eventually drown in coarse dullards.’
‘So name impressing will be withheld from the lower classes?’
‘Not entirely, and certainly not initially: when the truth about declining fertility is known, it would be an invitation to riot if the lower classes were denied access to name impressing. And of course, the lower classes do have their role to play in our society, as long as their numbers are kept in check. I envision that the policy will go in effect only after some years have passed, by which time people will have grown accustomed to name impression as the method of fertilization. At that point, perhaps in conjunction with the census process, we can impose limits on the number of children a given couple would be permitted to have. The government would regulate the growth and composition of the population thereafter.’
‘Is this the most appropriate use of such a name?’ asked Ashbourne. ‘Our goal was the survival of the species, not the implementation of partisan politics.’
‘On the contrary, this is purely scientific. Just as it’s our duty to ensure the species survives, it’s also our duty to guarantee its health by keeping a proper balance in its population. Politics doesn’t enter into it; were the situation reversed and there existed a paucity of laborers, the opposite policy would be called for.’
Stratton ventured a suggestion. ‘I wonder if improvement in conditions for the poor might eventually cause them to gestate more refined children?’
‘You are thinking about changes brought about by your cheap engines, aren’t you?’ asked Fieldhurst with a smile, and Stratton nodded. ‘Your intended reforms and mine may reinforce each other. Moderating the numbers of the lower classes should make it easier for them to raise their living conditions. However, do not expect that a mere increase in economic comfort will improve the mentality of the lower classes.’
‘But why not?’
‘You forget the self-perpetuating nature of culture,’ said Fieldhurst. ‘We have seen that all megafoetuses are identical, yet no one can deny the differences between the populaces of nations, in both physical appearance and temperament. This can only be the result of the maternal influence: the mother’s womb is a vessel in which the social environment is incarnated. For example, a woman who has lived her life among Prussians naturally gives birth to a child with Prussian traits; in this manner the national character of that populace has sustained itself for centuries, despite many changes in fortune. It would be unrealistic to think the poor are any different.’
‘As a zoologist, you are undoubtedly wiser in these matters than we,’ said Ashbourne, silencing Stratton with a glance. ‘We will defer to your judgment.’
For the remainder of the evening the conversation turned to other topics, and Stratton did his best to conceal his discomfort and maintain a facade of bonhomie. Finally, after Fieldhurst had retired for the evening, Stratton and Ashbourne descended to the laboratory to confer.
‘What manner of man have we agreed to help?’ exclaimed Stratton as soon as the door was closed. ‘One who would breed people like livestock?’
‘Perhaps we should not be so shocked,’ said Ashbourne with a sigh. He seated himself upon one of the laboratory stools. ‘Our group’s goal has been to duplicate for humans a procedure that was intended only for animals.’
‘But not at the expense of individual liberty! I cannot be a party to this.’
‘Do not be hasty. What would be accomplished by your resigning from the group? To the extent that your efforts contribute to our group’s endeavor, your resignation would serve only to endanger the future of the human species. Conversely, if the group attains its goal without your assistance, Lord Fieldhurst’s policies will be implemented anyway.’
Stratton tried to regain his composure. Ashbourne was right; he could see that. After a moment, he said, ‘So what course of action should we take? Are there others whom we could contact, members of Parliament who would oppose the policy that Lord Fieldhurst proposes?’
‘I expect that most of the nobility and gentry would share Lord Fieldhurst’s opinion on this matter.’ Ashbourne rested his forehead on the fingertips of one hand, suddenly looking very old. ‘I should have anticipated this. My error was in viewing humanity purely as a single species. Having seen England and France working toward a common goal, I forgot that nations are not the only factions that oppose one another.’
‘What if we surreptitiously distributed the name to the laboring classes? They could draw their own needles and impress the name themselves, in secret.’
‘They could, but name impression is a delicate procedure best performed in a laboratory. I’m dubious that the operation could be carried out on the scale necessary without attracting governmental attention, and then falling under its control.’
‘Is there an alternative?’
There was silence for a long moment while they considered. Then Ashbourne said, ‘Do you recall our speculation about a name that would induce two generations of foetuses?’
‘Certainly.’
‘Suppose we develop such a name but do not reveal this property when we present it to Lord Fieldhurst.’
‘That’s a wily suggestion,’ said Stratton, surprised. ‘All the children born of such a name would be fertile, so they would be able to reproduce without governmental restriction.’
Ashbourne nodded. ‘In the period before population control measures go into effect, such a name might be very widely distributed.’
‘But what of the following generation? Sterility would recur, and the laboring classes would again be dependent upon the government to reproduce.’
‘True,’ said Ashbourne, ‘it would be a short-lived victory. Perhaps the only permanent solution would be a more liberal Parliament, but it is beyond my expertise to suggest how we might bring that about.’
Again Stratton thought about the changes that cheap engines might bring; if the situation of the working classes was improved in the manner he hoped, that might demonstrate to the nobility that poverty was not innate. But even if the most favorable sequence of events obtained, it would require years to sway Parliament. ‘What if we could induce multiple generations with the initial name impression? A longer period before sterility recurs would increase the chances that more liberal social policies would take hold.’
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